ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Paul Bloom - Psychologist
Paul Bloom explores some of the most puzzling aspects of human nature, including pleasure, religion, and morality.

Why you should listen

In Paul Bloom’s last book, How Pleasure Works, he explores the often-mysterious enjoyment that people get out of experiences such as sex, food, art, and stories. His latest book, Just Babies, examines the nature and origins of good and evil. How do we decide what's fair and unfair? What is the relationship between emotion and rationality in our judgments of right and wrong? And how much of morality is present at birth? To answer these questions, he and his colleagues at Yale study how babies make moral decisions. (How do you present a moral quandary to a 6-month-old? Through simple, gamelike experiments that yield surprisingly adult-like results.)  

Paul Bloom is a passionate teacher of undergraduates, and his popular Introduction to Psychology 110 class has been released to the world through the Open Yale Courses program. He has recently completed a second MOOC, “Moralities of Everyday Life”, that introduced moral psychology to tens of thousands of students. And he also presents his research to a popular audience though articles in The Atlantic, The New Yorker, and The New York Times. Many of the projects he works on are student-initiated, and all of them, he notes, are "strongly interdisciplinary, bringing in theory and research from areas such as cognitive, social, and developmental psychology, evolutionary theory, linguistics, theology and philosophy." 

He says: "A growing body of evidence suggests that humans do have a rudimentary moral sense from the very start of life."

More profile about the speaker
Paul Bloom | Speaker | TED.com
TEDSalon NY2014

Paul Bloom: Can prejudice ever be a good thing?

Filmed:
1,233,148 views

We often think of bias and prejudice as rooted in ignorance. But as psychologist Paul Bloom seeks to show, prejudice is often natural, rational ... even moral. The key, says Bloom, is to understand how our own biases work -- so we can take control when they go wrong.
- Psychologist
Paul Bloom explores some of the most puzzling aspects of human nature, including pleasure, religion, and morality. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
When we think about prejudice and bias,
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we tend to think about stupid and evil people
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doing stupid and evil things.
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And this idea is nicely summarized
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by the British critic William Hazlitt,
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who wrote, "Prejudice is the child of ignorance."
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I want to try to convince you here
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that this is mistaken.
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I want to try to convince you
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that prejudice and bias
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are natural, they're often rational,
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and they're often even moral,
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and I think that once we understand this,
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we're in a better position to make sense of them
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when they go wrong,
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when they have horrible consequences,
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and we're in a better position to know what to do
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when this happens.
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So, start with stereotypes. You look at me,
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you know my name, you
know certain facts about me,
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and you could make certain judgments.
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You could make guesses about my ethnicity,
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my political affiliation, my religious beliefs.
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And the thing is, these
judgments tend to be accurate.
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We're very good at this sort of thing.
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And we're very good at this sort of thing
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because our ability to stereotype people
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is not some sort of arbitrary quirk of the mind,
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but rather it's a specific instance
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of a more general process,
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which is that we have experience
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with things and people in the world
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that fall into categories,
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and we can use our experience
to make generalizations
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about novel instances of these categories.
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So everybody here has a lot of experience
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with chairs and apples and dogs,
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and based on this, you could see
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unfamiliar examples and you could guess,
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you could sit on the chair,
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you could eat the apple, the dog will bark.
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Now we might be wrong.
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The chair could collapse if you sit on it,
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the apple might be poison, the dog might not bark,
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and in fact, this is my dog Tessie, who doesn't bark.
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But for the most part, we're good at this.
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For the most part, we make good guesses
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both in the social domain and the non-social domain,
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and if we weren't able to do so,
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if we weren't able to make guesses about
new instances that we encounter,
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we wouldn't survive.
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And in fact, Hazlitt later on in his wonderful essay
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concedes this.
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He writes, "Without the aid of prejudice and custom,
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I should not be able to find
my way my across the room;
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nor know how to conduct
myself in any circumstances,
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nor what to feel in any relation of life."
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Or take bias.
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Now sometimes, we break the world up into
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us versus them, into in-group versus out-group,
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and sometimes when we do this,
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we know we're doing something wrong,
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and we're kind of ashamed of it.
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But other times we're proud of it.
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We openly acknowledge it.
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And my favorite example of this
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is a question that came from the audience
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in a Republican debate prior to the last election.
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(Video) Anderson Cooper: Gets to your question,
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the question in the hall, on foreign aid? Yes, ma'am.
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Woman: The American people are suffering
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in our country right now.
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Why do we continue to send foreign aid
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to other countries
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when we need all the help we can get for ourselves?
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AC: Governor Perry, what about that?
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(Applause)
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Rick Perry: Absolutely, I think it's—
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Paul Bloom: Each of the people onstage
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agreed with the premise of her question,
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which is as Americans, we should care more
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about Americans than about other people.
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And in fact, in general, people are often swayed
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by feelings of solidarity, loyalty, pride, patriotism,
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towards their country or towards their ethnic group.
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Regardless of your politics, many
people feel proud to be American,
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and they favor Americans over other countries.
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Residents of other countries
feel the same about their nation,
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and we feel the same about our ethnicities.
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Now some of you may reject this.
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Some of you may be so cosmopolitan
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that you think that ethnicity and nationality
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should hold no moral sway.
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But even you sophisticates accept
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that there should be some pull
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towards the in-group in the
domain of friends and family,
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of people you're close to,
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and so even you make a distinction
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between us versus them.
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Now, this distinction is natural enough
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and often moral enough, but it can go awry,
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and this was part of the research
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of the great social psychologist Henri Tajfel.
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Tajfel was born in Poland in 1919.
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He left to go to university in France,
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because as a Jew, he couldn't
go to university in Poland,
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and then he enlisted in the French military
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in World War II.
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He was captured and ended up
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in a prisoner of war camp,
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and it was a terrifying time for him,
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because if it was discovered that he was a Jew,
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he could have been moved to a concentration camp,
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where he most likely would not have survived.
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And in fact, when the war
ended and he was released,
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most of his friends and family were dead.
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He got involved in different pursuits.
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He helped out the war orphans.
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But he had a long-lasting interest
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in the science of prejudice,
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and so when a prestigious British scholarship
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on stereotypes opened up, he applied for it,
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and he won it,
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and then he began this amazing career.
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And what started his career is an insight
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that the way most people were thinking
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about the Holocaust was wrong.
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Many people, most people at the time,
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viewed the Holocaust as sort of representing
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some tragic flaw on the part of the Germans,
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some genetic taint, some authoritarian personality.
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And Tajfel rejected this.
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Tajfel said what we see in the Holocaust
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is just an exaggeration
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of normal psychological processes
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that exist in every one of us.
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And to explore this, he did a series of classic studies
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with British adolescents.
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And in one of his studies, what he did was he asked
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the British adolescents all sorts of questions,
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and then based on their answers, he said,
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"I've looked at your answers,
and based on the answers,
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I have determined that you are either" —
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he told half of them —
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"a Kandinsky lover, you love the work of Kandinsky,
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or a Klee lover, you love the work of Klee."
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It was entirely bogus.
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Their answers had nothing
to do with Kandinsky or Klee.
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They probably hadn't heard of the artists.
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He just arbitrarily divided them up.
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But what he found was, these categories mattered,
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so when he later gave the subjects money,
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they would prefer to give the money
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to members of their own group
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than members of the other group.
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Worse, they were actually most interested
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in establishing a difference
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between their group and other groups,
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so they would give up money for their own group
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if by doing so they could give
the other group even less.
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This bias seems to show up very early.
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So my colleague and wife, Karen Wynn, at Yale
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has done a series of studies with babies
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where she exposes babies to puppets,
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and the puppets have certain food preferences.
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So one of the puppets might like green beans.
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The other puppet might like graham crackers.
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They test the babies own food preferences,
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and babies typically prefer the graham crackers.
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But the question is, does this matter to babies
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in how they treat the puppets? And it matters a lot.
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They tend to prefer the puppet
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who has the same food tastes that they have,
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and worse, they actually prefer puppets
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who punish the puppet with the different food taste.
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(Laughter)
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We see this sort of in-group,
out-group psychology all the time.
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We see it in political clashes
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within groups with different ideologies.
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We see it in its extreme in cases of war,
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where the out-group isn't merely given less,
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but dehumanized,
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as in the Nazi perspective of Jews
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as vermin or lice,
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or the American perspective of Japanese as rats.
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Stereotypes can also go awry.
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So often they're rational and useful,
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but sometimes they're irrational,
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they give the wrong answers,
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and other times
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they lead to plainly immoral consequences.
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And the case that's been most studied
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is the case of race.
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There was a fascinating study
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prior to the 2008 election
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where social psychologists looked at the extent
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to which the candidates were
associated with America,
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as in an unconscious association
with the American flag.
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And in one of their studies they compared
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Obama and McCain, and they found McCain
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is thought of as more American than Obama,
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and to some extent, people aren't
that surprised by hearing that.
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McCain is a celebrated war hero,
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and many people would explicitly say
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he has more of an American story than Obama.
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But they also compared Obama
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to British Prime Minister Tony Blair,
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and they found that Blair was also thought of
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as more American than Obama,
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even though subjects explicitly understood
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that he's not American at all.
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But they were responding, of course,
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to the color of his skin.
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These stereotypes and biases
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have real-world consequences,
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both subtle and very important.
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In one recent study, researchers
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put ads on eBay for the sale of baseball cards.
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Some of them were held by white hands,
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others by black hands.
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They were the same baseball cards.
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The ones held by black hands
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got substantially smaller bids
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than the ones held by white hands.
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In research done at Stanford,
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psychologists explored the case of people
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sentenced for the murder of a white person.
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It turns out, holding everything else constant,
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you are considerably more likely to be executed
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if you look like the man on the right
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than the man on the left,
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and this is in large part because
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the man on the right looks more prototypically black,
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more prototypically African-American,
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and this apparently influences people's decisions
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over what to do about him.
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So now that we know about this,
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how do we combat it?
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And there are different avenues.
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One avenue is to appeal
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to people's emotional responses,
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to appeal to people's empathy,
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and we often do that through stories.
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So if you are a liberal parent
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and you want to encourage your children
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to believe in the merits of nontraditional families,
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you might give them a book like this.
["Heather Has Two Mommies"]
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If you are conservative and have a different attitude,
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you might give them a book like this.
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(Laughter)
["Help! Mom! There Are Liberals under My Bed!"]
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But in general, stories can turn
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anonymous strangers into people who matter,
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and the idea that we care about people
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when we focus on them as individuals
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is an idea which has shown up across history.
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So Stalin apocryphally said,
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"A single death is a tragedy,
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a million deaths is a statistic,"
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and Mother Teresa said,
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"If I look at the mass, I will never act.
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If I look at the one, I will."
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Psychologists have explored this.
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For instance, in one study,
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people were given a list of facts about a crisis,
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and it was seen how much they would donate
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to solve this crisis,
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and another group was given no facts at all
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but they were told of an individual
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and given a name and given a face,
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and it turns out that they gave far more.
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None of this I think is a secret
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to the people who are engaged in charity work.
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People don't tend to deluge people
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with facts and statistics.
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Rather, you show them faces,
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you show them people.
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It's possible that by extending our sympathies
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to an individual, they can spread
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to the group that the individual belongs to.
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This is Harriet Beecher Stowe.
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The story, perhaps apocryphal,
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is that President Lincoln invited her
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to the White House in the middle of the Civil War
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and said to her,
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"So you're the little lady who started this great war."
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And he was talking about "Uncle Tom's Cabin."
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"Uncle Tom's Cabin" is not
a great book of philosophy
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or of theology or perhaps not even literature,
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but it does a great job
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of getting people to put themselves in the shoes
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of people they wouldn't otherwise be in the shoes of,
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put themselves in the shoes of slaves.
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11:12
And that could well have been a catalyst
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for great social change.
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More recently, looking at America
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in the last several decades,
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there's some reason to believe
that shows like "The Cosby Show"
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radically changed American attitudes
towards African-Americans,
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while shows like "Will and Grace" and "Modern Family"
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changed American attitudes
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towards gay men and women.
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I don't think it's an exaggeration to say
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that the major catalyst in America for moral change
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has been a situation comedy.
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But it's not all emotions,
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and I want to end by appealing
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to the power of reason.
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At some point in his wonderful book
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"The Better Angels of Our Nature,"
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Steven Pinker says,
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the Old Testament says love thy neighbor,
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and the New Testament says love thy enemy,
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11:56
but I don't love either one of them, not really,
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11:59
but I don't want to kill them.
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12:00
I know I have obligations to them,
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12:02
but my moral feelings to them, my moral beliefs
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12:06
about how I should behave towards them,
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aren't grounded in love.
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12:09
What they're grounded in is the
understanding of human rights,
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12:11
a belief that their life is as valuable to them
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as my life is to me,
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12:16
and to support this, he tells a story
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by the great philosopher Adam Smith,
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12:20
and I want to tell this story too,
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though I'm going to modify it a little bit
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12:23
for modern times.
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12:24
So Adam Smith starts by asking you to imagine
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12:26
the death of thousands of people,
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12:28
and imagine that the thousands of people
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12:30
are in a country you are not familiar with.
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12:33
It could be China or India or a country in Africa.
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12:36
And Smith says, how would you respond?
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12:39
And you would say, well that's too bad,
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2307
12:41
and you'd go on to the rest of your life.
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1876
12:43
If you were to open up The New
York Times online or something,
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12:45
and discover this, and in fact
this happens to us all the time,
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we go about our lives.
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12:49
But imagine instead, Smith says,
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12:52
you were to learn that tomorrow
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12:53
you were to have your little finger chopped off.
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12:55
Smith says, that would matter a lot.
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12:58
You would not sleep that night
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12:59
wondering about that.
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13:00
So this raises the question:
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13:02
Would you sacrifice thousands of lives
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13:05
to save your little finger?
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13:07
Now answer this in the privacy of your own head,
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2318
13:09
but Smith says, absolutely not,
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13:12
what a horrid thought.
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13:14
And so this raises the question,
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13:16
and so, as Smith puts it,
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13:17
"When our passive feelings are almost always
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13:19
so sordid and so selfish,
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1448
13:21
how comes it that our active principles
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13:22
should often be so generous and so noble?"
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13:25
And Smith's answer is, "It is reason,
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13:27
principle, conscience.
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13:29
[This] calls to us,
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1541
13:30
with a voice capable of astonishing
the most presumptuous of our passions,
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3425
13:34
that we are but one of the multitude,
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13:35
in no respect better than any other in it."
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13:38
And this last part is what is often described
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13:40
as the principle of impartiality.
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13:43
And this principle of impartiality manifests itself
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13:46
in all of the world's religions,
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1747
13:47
in all of the different versions of the golden rule,
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2258
13:50
and in all of the world's moral philosophies,
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2454
13:52
which differ in many ways
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1307
13:53
but share the presupposition
that we should judge morality
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13:56
from sort of an impartial point of view.
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2985
13:59
The best articulation of this view
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1822
14:01
is actually, for me, it's not from
a theologian or from a philosopher,
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3085
14:04
but from Humphrey Bogart
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1357
14:06
at the end of "Casablanca."
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1547
14:07
So, spoiler alert, he's telling his lover
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3776
14:11
that they have to separate
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1140
14:12
for the more general good,
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1593
14:14
and he says to her, and I won't do the accent,
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1864
14:16
but he says to her, "It doesn't take much to see
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1782
14:17
that the problems of three little people
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14:19
don't amount to a hill of beans in this crazy world."
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14:22
Our reason could cause us to override our passions.
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14:25
Our reason could motivate us
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1716
14:27
to extend our empathy,
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14:28
could motivate us to write a
book like "Uncle Tom's Cabin,"
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2327
14:30
or read a book like "Uncle Tom's Cabin,"
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1723
14:32
and our reason can motivate us to create
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14:35
customs and taboos and laws
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1962
14:37
that will constrain us
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1810
14:39
from acting upon our impulses
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1676
14:40
when, as rational beings, we feel
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1589
14:42
we should be constrained.
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14:43
This is what a constitution is.
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2013
14:45
A constitution is something
which was set up in the past
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2921
14:48
that applies now in the present,
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1307
14:50
and what it says is,
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985
14:51
no matter how much we might to reelect
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2227
14:53
a popular president for a third term,
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2603
14:55
no matter how much white Americans might choose
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2095
14:57
to feel that they want to reinstate
the institution of slavery, we can't.
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4068
15:01
We have bound ourselves.
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15:03
And we bind ourselves in other ways as well.
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2417
15:06
We know that when it comes to choosing somebody
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2758
15:08
for a job, for an award,
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2951
15:11
we are strongly biased by their race,
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2958
15:14
we are biased by their gender,
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2296
15:17
we are biased by how attractive they are,
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2215
15:19
and sometimes we might say,
"Well fine, that's the way it should be."
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2651
15:21
But other times we say, "This is wrong."
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2307
15:24
And so to combat this,
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15:26
we don't just try harder,
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2251
15:28
but rather what we do is we set up situations
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15:31
where these other sources
of information can't bias us,
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15:34
which is why many orchestras
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1315
15:35
audition musicians behind screens,
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15:38
so the only information they have
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15:39
is the information they believe should matter.
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15:42
I think prejudice and bias
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15:44
illustrate a fundamental duality of human nature.
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15:47
We have gut feelings, instincts, emotions,
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3776
15:51
and they affect our judgments and our actions
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15:53
for good and for evil,
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15:55
but we are also capable of rational deliberation
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15:59
and intelligent planning,
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16:01
and we can use these to, in some cases,
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16:03
accelerate and nourish our emotions,
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1943
16:05
and in other cases staunch them.
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16:08
And it's in this way
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16:09
that reason helps us create a better world.
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Thank you.
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16:14
(Applause)
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3705

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Paul Bloom - Psychologist
Paul Bloom explores some of the most puzzling aspects of human nature, including pleasure, religion, and morality.

Why you should listen

In Paul Bloom’s last book, How Pleasure Works, he explores the often-mysterious enjoyment that people get out of experiences such as sex, food, art, and stories. His latest book, Just Babies, examines the nature and origins of good and evil. How do we decide what's fair and unfair? What is the relationship between emotion and rationality in our judgments of right and wrong? And how much of morality is present at birth? To answer these questions, he and his colleagues at Yale study how babies make moral decisions. (How do you present a moral quandary to a 6-month-old? Through simple, gamelike experiments that yield surprisingly adult-like results.)  

Paul Bloom is a passionate teacher of undergraduates, and his popular Introduction to Psychology 110 class has been released to the world through the Open Yale Courses program. He has recently completed a second MOOC, “Moralities of Everyday Life”, that introduced moral psychology to tens of thousands of students. And he also presents his research to a popular audience though articles in The Atlantic, The New Yorker, and The New York Times. Many of the projects he works on are student-initiated, and all of them, he notes, are "strongly interdisciplinary, bringing in theory and research from areas such as cognitive, social, and developmental psychology, evolutionary theory, linguistics, theology and philosophy." 

He says: "A growing body of evidence suggests that humans do have a rudimentary moral sense from the very start of life."

More profile about the speaker
Paul Bloom | Speaker | TED.com