ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Evgeny Morozov - Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think.

Why you should listen

Writer Evgeny Morozov studies the political and social aspects of the Internet. Right now, he's working on a book about the Internet's role in politics -- and especially how the Web influences civic engagement and regime stability in authoritarian, closed societies or in countries "in transition."

Morozov writes the much-quoted Foreign Policy blog Net.Effect, and is known for debunking -- with facts, figures and sound research -- myths and media-bandwagon assumptions about the impact of the Internet and mobile technologies on politics and society. We all want to be cyber-optimists, assuming that free societies necessarily follow from free data. Morozov is careful to say that it's not quite that simple: yes, social change can be empowered by new tech, but so can the policies of repressive regimes. Morozov attended TEDGlobal 2009 as one of 25 TEDGlobal Fellows.

Get the slide deck from his TEDGlobal talk >>

Read his essay in design mind >>

More profile about the speaker
Evgeny Morozov | Speaker | TED.com
TEDGlobal 2009

Evgeny Morozov: How the Net aids dictatorships

耶夫根尼-莫洛佐夫 (Evgeny Morozov):互联网是奥威尔的噩梦吗?

Filmed:
507,428 views

TED Fellow同时也是一名记者的Evgeny Morozov列举了各种独裁政府利用互联网镇压不同意见的惊人事例,并以此来抨击他所谓的“iPod自由主义”——科技创新总是会带来自由与民主的天真想法。
- Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
Good morning早上. I think, as a grumpy性情乖戾的 Eastern European欧洲的,
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大家早上好。我想他们请我这个坏脾气的东欧人来这里的目的
00:17
I was brought in to play the pessimist悲观主义者 this morning早上. So bear with me.
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就是散播些悲观主义。所以还望大家见谅。
00:21
Well, I come from the former前任的 Soviet苏联 Republic共和国 of Belarus白俄罗斯,
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我来自前苏联治理下的白俄罗斯。
00:24
which哪一个, as some of you may可能 know,
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众所周知,
00:27
is not exactly究竟 an oasis绿洲 of liberal自由主义的 democracy民主.
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那里算不上是自由民主的乐土。
00:30
So that's why I've always been fascinated入迷
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也正因此,我一直都对
00:34
with how technology技术 could actually其实 reshape重塑
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科技是如何重塑并开放我们这样的专治社会
00:37
and open打开 up authoritarian独裁的 societies社会 like ours我们的.
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非常感兴趣。
00:40
So, I'm graduating毕业 college学院
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我那时刚从大学毕业,
00:42
and, feeling感觉 very idealistic理想主义,
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怀揣着满腔的理想,
00:44
I decided决定 to join加入 the NGO非政府组织
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决定加入一个非政府机构(NGO)。
00:46
which哪一个 actually其实 was using运用 new media媒体
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他们当时正是利用新媒体
00:48
to promote促进 democracy民主 and media媒体 reform改革
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在前苏联内大范围
00:50
in much of the former前任的 Soviet苏联 Union联盟.
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推广民主和媒体改革。
00:53
However然而, to my surprise,
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但令我吃惊的是,
00:55
I discovered发现 that dictatorships独裁
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我发现想要瓦解独裁统治
00:57
do not crumble崩溃 so easily容易.
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并没有想像中的那么容易。
00:59
In fact事实, some of them actually其实
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事实上,一些独裁统治
01:02
survived幸存 the Internet互联网 challenge挑战,
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不但没有被这些挑战所击垮,
01:04
and some got even more repressive压制性.
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反而变得更具压迫性。
01:07
So this is when I ran out of my idealism唯心主义 and
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也就是在那时,我才从我的理想主义中苏醒,
01:10
decided决定 to quit放弃 my NGO非政府组织 job工作
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并且决定辞去我在那个NGO的工作,
01:12
and actually其实 study研究 how the Internet互联网 could impede阻碍 democratization民主化.
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转而去研究互联网是怎样阻碍民主进程的。
01:17
Now, I must必须 tell you that this was never
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我不得不告诉你,我这个论点
01:19
a very popular流行 argument论据,
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向来都不太受欢迎。
01:22
and it's probably大概 not very popular流行 yet然而
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对于你们在座的一些人来说,可能直到现在
01:24
with some of you sitting坐在 in this audience听众.
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也很难接受我这个论点。
01:26
It was never popular流行 with many许多 political政治 leaders领导者,
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政治领袖们,尤其是美国的那些,
01:29
especially特别 those in the United联合的 States状态
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对我这个论点都没什么好感。
01:31
who somehow不知何故 thought that new media媒体
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他们始终觉得,导弹办不到的事情
01:33
would be able能够 to do what missiles导弹 couldn't不能.
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新媒体可以办得到──
01:37
That is, promote促进 democracy民主 in difficult places地方
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当其他办法都失效的时候,
01:40
where everything else其他 has already已经 been tried试着 and failed失败.
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新媒体仍旧可以在最棘手的地区内推广民主。
01:44
And I think by 2009,
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到2009年的时候,
01:46
this news新闻 has finally最后 reached到达 Britain英国,
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这股信仰总算是席卷了英国,
01:49
so I should probably大概 add Gordon戈登 Brown棕色 to this list名单 as well.
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所以我应该把戈登-布朗也加入到这一串政治领袖中来。
01:52
However然而, there is an underlying底层 argument论据 about logistics后勤,
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但事实上,这项讨论中的本质议题
01:57
which哪一个 has driven驱动 so much of this debate辩论. Right?
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是关于后勤管理的。对吗?
02:00
So if you look at it close enough足够,
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如果你仔细想想,
02:02
you'll你会 actually其实 see that much of this
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你就会发现,这一切归根结底
02:04
is about economics经济学.
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都是跟经济有关。
02:07
The cybertopianscybertopians say, much like fax传真 machines
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那些“网托邦”的人认为,博客和社会网络
02:10
and Xerox复印 machines did in the '80s,
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就如同80年代的传真机和复印机一样,
02:13
blogs博客 and social社会 networks网络
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已经从本质上彻底改变了
02:15
have radically根本 transformed改造 the economics经济学 of protest抗议,
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反抗运动的经济运作。
02:18
so people would inevitably必将 rebel反叛.
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人民反抗是难以避免的。
02:21
To put it very simply只是,
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换言之,
02:23
the assumption假设 so far has been
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现今为止的讨论都假设说
02:25
that if you give people enough足够 connectivity连接,
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如果人们有了足够的连通性,
02:28
if you give them enough足够 devices设备,
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有了足够的器具,
02:31
democracy民主 will inevitably必将 follow跟随.
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那么民主政治将是水到渠成、自然而然。
02:33
And to tell you the truth真相,
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说真的,
02:35
I never really bought into this argument论据,
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我从来都不相信这种说法。
02:38
in part部分 because I never saw three American美国 presidents总统
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一部分原因是因为我之前还从来没有看过
02:41
agree同意 on anything else其他 in the past过去.
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三位美国总统在同一件事情上达成共识。
02:43
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
02:47
But, you know, even beyond that,
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但除此之外,
02:49
if you think about the logic逻辑 underlying底层 it,
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这种说法是建立在一种被我叫做
02:51
is something I call iPodiPod的 liberalism自由主义,
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“iPod自由主义”的逻辑之上的。
02:54
where we assume承担 that every一切 single Iranian伊朗的 or Chinese中文
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也就是说我们假定每一个拥有并且喜爱iPod
02:58
who happens发生 to have and love his iPodiPod的
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的伊朗人和中国人
03:00
will also love liberal自由主义的 democracy民主.
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也会自然而然地热衷于自由民主。
03:04
And again, I think this is kind of false.
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我觉得这种想法是错误的。
03:08
But I think a much bigger problem问题 with this
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但我觉得这种逻辑背后
03:10
is that this logic逻辑 --
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所隐藏的更巨大的问题是──
03:12
that we should be dropping落下 iPodsiPod播放器 not bombs炸弹 --
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坚信我们应该投掷iPod而不是炸弹──
03:15
I mean, it would make a fascinating迷人 title标题
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听起来可以成为托马斯-弗里德曼 (Thomas Friedman)
03:18
for Thomas托马斯 Friedman's弗里德曼 new book.
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(《世界是平的》的作者)新书的标题。
03:20
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
03:21
But this is rarely很少 a good sign标志. Right?
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这从来都不是什么好迹象,对吧?
03:25
So, the bigger problem问题 with this logic逻辑
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所以这个逻辑所隐藏的更重要的问题是
03:29
is that it confuses混淆 the intended
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它把科技的预定作用和实际作用
03:31
versus the actual实际 uses使用 of technology技术.
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给搞混了。
03:35
For those of you who think that
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如果你认为互联网上的新媒体
03:37
new media媒体 of the Internet互联网
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可以帮助我们避免种族屠杀的话,
03:39
could somehow不知何故 help us avert避免 genocide种族灭绝,
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你只要看看卢旺达
03:42
should look no further进一步 than Rwanda卢旺达,
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就知道你有多么得错误了。
03:44
where in the '90s it was actually其实 two radio无线电 stations
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90年代的时候,正是卢旺达的两家电台
03:47
which哪一个 were responsible主管 for fueling加油 much of the ethnic民族 hatred in the first place地点.
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为当时的种族仇恨煽风点火、添油加醋,最终酿成惨剧。
03:51
But even beyond that, coming未来 back to the Internet互联网,
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再回到互联网这个话题上来,
03:54
what you can actually其实 see
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我们所目睹的
03:56
is that certain某些 governments政府
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实际上是一些政府
03:58
have mastered掌握 the use of cyberspace网络空间
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如何利用网络空间
04:01
for propaganda宣传 purposes目的. Right?
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来达到宣传的目的。
04:03
And they are building建造 what I call the SpinternetSpinternet.
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而他们所构建的正是“贴金网”。
04:05
The combination组合 of spin, on the one hand,
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一边利用互联网,
04:08
and the Internet互联网 on the other.
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一边往自己脸上贴金。
04:10
So governments政府 from Russia俄国 to China中国 to Iran伊朗
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从俄罗斯到中国再到伊朗,这些政府
04:13
are actually其实 hiring招聘, training训练 and paying付款 bloggers博客
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事实上都在雇用、培训、聘请博客们
04:16
in order订购 to leave离开 ideological思想 comments注释
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四处散发具有崇高理念的留言,
04:19
and create创建 a lot of ideological思想 blog博客 posts帖子
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撰写一系列极富思想的博客日记,
04:21
to comment评论 on sensitive敏感 political政治 issues问题. Right?
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来评论敏感的政治话题。
04:24
So you may可能 wonder奇迹, why on Earth地球 are they doing it?
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你也许会问了,他们这么做的目的究竟是何在呢?
04:28
Why are they engaging with cyberspace网络空间?
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他们干嘛要管网络空间的事情?
04:30
Well my theory理论 is that
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我的理论是
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it's happening事件 because censorship审查 actually其实
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在很多上述提到的地方,
04:35
is less effective有效 than you think it is in many许多 of those places地方.
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审查机制已经不如你想像中的那么有效了。
04:38
The moment时刻 you put something critical危急 in a blog博客,
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一旦有人写了篇具有抨击性质的博客文章,
04:42
even if you manage管理 to ban禁止 it immediately立即,
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就算你把它立马封杀,
04:45
it will still spread传播 around thousands数千 and thousands数千 of other blogs博客.
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它到头来还是会传到其他成百上千的博客中。
04:49
So the more you block it,
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所以人们博得越多,
04:51
the more it emboldens鼓励了 people to actually其实 avoid避免 the censorship审查
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就越激励人们躲避审查制度,
04:54
and thus从而 win赢得 in this cat-and-mouse猫和老鼠 game游戏.
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赢得这个“猫抓耗子”的游戏。
04:57
So the only way to control控制 this message信息
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所以唯一控制这种言论的方式
05:01
is actually其实 to try to spin it
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就是把它转过来,变成对你自己有利的言论,
05:03
and accuse anyone任何人 who has written书面 something critical危急
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并且声称那些抨击政府的人
05:06
of being存在, for example, a CIA中央情报局 agent代理人.
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是中央情报局卧底之类的角色。
05:08
And, again, this is happening事件 quite相当 often经常.
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而这在现实生活中的确是时常发生的。
05:11
Just to give you an example of how it works作品 in China中国, for example.
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就拿中国举个例子吧。
05:15
There was a big case案件 in February二月 2009
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在2009年2月份的时候,
05:19
called "Elude躲避 the Cat."
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诞生了一个相当热门的话题,叫做“躲猫猫”。
05:21
And for those of you who didn't know, I'll just give a little summary概要.
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如果你们不了解详情的话,我就给你们简单概括一下:
05:25
So what happened发生 is that a 24-year-old-岁 man,
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当时一个24岁的中国青年
05:28
a Chinese中文 man, died死亡 in prison监狱 custody保管.
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在看守所里离奇身亡。
05:31
And police警察 said that it happened发生
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警方说事发的原因是因为
05:34
because he was playing播放 hide隐藏 and seek寻求,
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他当时正在和其他的看守所的狱友们
05:36
which哪一个 is "elude躲避 the cat" in Chinese中文 slang俚语,
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玩“躲猫猫”,
05:39
with other inmates囚犯 and hit击中 his head
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结果不幸撞到了墙,
05:41
against反对 the wall,
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撞坏了脑袋。
05:43
which哪一个 was not an explanation说明 which哪一个 satSAT well with many许多 Chinese中文 bloggers博客.
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中国的博客们当然是不会轻易相信这个解释,
05:50
So they immediately立即 began开始 posting发帖 a lot of critical危急 comments注释.
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于是他们立即发布了大量具有抨击意味的帖子。
05:54
In fact事实, QQQQ.comCOM, which哪一个 is a popular流行 Chinese中文 website网站,
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事实上在知名中文网站腾讯网上
05:58
had 35,000 comments注释
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关于这个话题的留言
06:00
on this issue问题 within hours小时.
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几个小时内就达到了35000条。
06:02
But then authorities当局 did something very smart聪明.
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不过随后政府做了个非常明智的举动。
06:05
Instead代替 of trying to purge清除 these comments注释,
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与其大量清除这些留言,
06:08
they instead代替 went and reached到达 out to the bloggers博客.
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他们反而是向这些博客们伸出了友善之手。
06:11
And they basically基本上 said, "Look guys. We'd星期三 like you to become成为 netizen网友 investigators调查."
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他们基本上是说:“好吧,事到如今,我们恳请你们担任我们的网络稽查员。“
06:16
So 500 people applied应用的,
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500个人提出了申请,
06:19
and four were selected to actually其实 go and tour游览 the facility设施 in question,
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4个人最终被采纳并走访了那个看守所,
06:23
and thus从而 inspect检查 it and then blog博客 about it.
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巡查了一番,又博客了一番。
06:27
Within days the entire整个 incident事件 was forgotten忘记了,
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几天之内,整起事件变淡出了人们的讨论范围。
06:30
which哪一个 would have never happened发生 if they simply只是 tried试着 to block the content内容.
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如果政府只是盲目地屏蔽封锁的话,这是绝不可能发生的。
06:33
People would keep talking about it for weeks.
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人们会讨论这个问题讨论好几个星期。
06:36
And this actually其实 fits适合 with another另一个 interesting有趣 theory理论
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这其实和另外一个
06:40
about what's happening事件 in authoritarian独裁的 states状态
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关于独裁政权和网络空间的理论
06:43
and in their cyberspace网络空间.
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很有关联。
06:45
This is what political政治 scientists科学家们 call authoritarian独裁的 deliberation审议,
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政治学者们称其为独裁约定——
06:48
and it happens发生 when governments政府 are actually其实 reaching到达 out to their critics批评者
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政府实际上对他们的批判者伸出橄榄枝,
06:53
and letting出租 them engage从事 with each other online线上.
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与他们在网络上进行探讨。
06:55
We tend趋向 to think
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我们通常会认为
06:57
that somehow不知何故 this is going to harm危害 these dictatorships独裁,
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这么做只会损害这些独裁者,
07:00
but in many许多 cases it only strengthens强化剂 them.
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但相反的,很多时候这么做反而进一步加强了他们。
07:03
And you may可能 wonder奇迹 why.
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你也许想知道为什么。
07:05
I'll just give you a very short list名单 of reasons原因
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我在这里就给大家列出一些简短的原因
07:07
why authoritarian独裁的 deliberation审议
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来解释独裁约定
07:10
may可能 actually其实 help the dictators独裁者.
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是如何帮助独裁者的。
07:12
And first it's quite相当 simple简单.
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第一点很简单:
07:14
Most of them operate操作 in a complete完成 information信息 vacuum真空.
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这些独裁者大部分都是在完全的信息真空的环境下运作。
07:17
They don't really have the data数据 they need
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他们并没有他们所需要的所有资料
07:20
in order订购 to identify鉴定 emerging新兴 threats威胁 facing面对 the regime政权.
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来正确地判断识别面对他们政权的潜在威胁。
07:23
So encouraging鼓舞人心的 people to actually其实 go online线上
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所以鼓励民众上网
07:26
and share分享 information信息 and data数据
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再博客和维基上面分享信息和资料
07:28
on blogs博客 and wikis维基 is great
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其实是好事。
07:30
because otherwise除此以外, low level水平 apparatchiksapparatchiks and bureaucrats官僚
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不然的话,低层官员们
07:33
will continue继续 concealing隐瞒 what's actually其实 happening事件 in the country国家, right?
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将继续隐瞒国家内真正发生的事情。
07:37
So from this perspective透视, having blogs博客 and wikis维基
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所以从这个角度来看,利用博客和维基来制造信息
07:39
produce生产 knowledge知识 has been great.
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是对独裁者们很有利的事情。
07:41
Secondly其次, involving涉及 public上市 in any decision决定 making制造
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第二点,让公众参与到重要决策中来
07:44
is also great
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永远都是好的。
07:46
because it helps帮助 you to share分享 the blame
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因为这样一来,一旦政策失败,
07:48
for the policies政策 which哪一个 eventually终于 fail失败.
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你无需一个人承担职责。
07:50
Because they say, "Well look, we asked you,
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因为他们可以说,“看吧,我们问过你们,
07:52
we consulted咨询 you, you voted on it.
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征求过你们,这是你们投票选举的结果。
07:54
You put it on the front面前 page of your blog博客.
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你们把它放到你博客的首页上,
07:56
Well, great. You are the one who is to blame."
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不错。那就拿你当替罪羊吧。“
07:59
And finally最后, the purpose目的 of
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最后一点,任何独裁约定背后的目的
08:02
any authoritarian独裁的 deliberation审议 efforts努力
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都是为了在国内国外
08:04
is usually平时 to increase增加 the legitimacy合法 of the regimes制度, both at home and abroad国外.
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增强这个政权的合法性。
08:07
So inviting诱人的 people to all sorts排序 of public上市 forums论坛,
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所以邀请人们参与公众论坛,
08:11
having them participate参加 in decision决定 making制造,
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加入决策讨论中来,
08:13
it's actually其实 great.
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其实是件好事。
08:15
Because what happens发生 is that then
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因为这样一来
08:17
you can actually其实 point to this initiative倡议 and say,
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你就可以用这个做为例子,并且声称:
08:19
"Well, we are having a democracy民主. We are having a forum论坛."
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“看吧,我们有民主。我们有论坛。”
08:22
Just to give you an example,
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据个例子来说,
08:24
one of the Russian俄语 regions地区, for example,
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俄罗斯的某个区域
08:26
now involves涉及 its citizens公民
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正鼓励民众们参与到该区域
08:28
in planning规划 its strategy战略 up until直到 year 2020.
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2020年前的政策规划中来。
08:32
Right? So they can go online线上
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人们可以上网,提供想法,
08:34
and contribute有助于 ideas思路 on what that region地区 would look like by the year 2020.
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畅谈他们希望这个区域2020年的时候变成什么样子。
08:38
I mean, anyone任何人 who has been to Russia俄国 would know
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但任何去过俄罗斯的人都知道,
08:40
that there was no planning规划 in Russia俄国 for the next下一个 month.
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俄罗斯连几个月的规划都办理不好。
08:43
So having people involved参与 in planning规划 for 2020
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所以邀请人们加入到2020年的规划中来
08:46
is not necessarily一定 going to change更改 anything,
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是不会在真正意义上改变什么的。
08:48
because the dictators独裁者 are still the ones那些 who control控制 the agenda议程.
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因为这些独裁者们才是最终决定议事进程的人。
08:52
Just to give you an example from Iran伊朗,
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在给你们一个伊朗的例子。
08:54
we all heard听说 about the Twitter推特 revolution革命
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我们都听说过最近那里发生的
08:56
that happened发生 there,
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“推特革命”(Twitter Revolution)。
08:58
but if you look close enough足够, you'll你会 actually其实 see
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但如果你仔细看看,你就会发现
09:00
that many许多 of the networks网络 and blogs博客
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很多网络、博客、推特(Twitter)、Facebook
09:02
and Twitter推特 and FacebookFacebook的 were actually其实 operational操作.
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实际上都是正常运行。
09:05
They may可能 have become成为 slower比较慢,
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可能访问的速度略有减缓,
09:07
but the activists活动家 could still access访问 it
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但积极分子仍旧可以访问它们,
09:09
and actually其实 argue争论 that having access访问 to them
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甚至有人认为不封闭这些网站
09:11
is actually其实 great for many许多 authoritarian独裁的 states状态.
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事实上是对独裁政府有利的。
09:14
And it's great simply只是 because
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原因就在于这些网站们
09:17
they can gather收集 open打开 source资源 intelligence情报.
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给了政府开源性的情报信息。
09:21
In the past过去 it would take you weeks, if not months个月,
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在过去,要想搞清楚伊朗的积极分子们是如何彼此关联的
09:24
to identify鉴定 how Iranian伊朗的 activists活动家 connect to each other.
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往往需要花上几个星期,甚至是几个月。
09:27
Now you actually其实 know how they connect to each other
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现在你这要登陆他们的Facebook网页
09:29
by looking at their FacebookFacebook的 page.
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看看谁和谁是好友就可以了。
09:31
I mean KGB克格勃, and not just KGB克格勃,
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过去苏联安全局(KGB)以及其他组织
09:33
used to torture拷打 in order订购 to actually其实 get this data数据.
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要利用酷刑折磨才能得到这些资料。
09:36
Now it's all available可得到 online线上.
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现在这些资料在网上随手可得。
09:38
(Laughter笑声)
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(笑声)
09:40
But I think the biggest最大 conceptual概念上的 pitfall陷阱
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但我觉得那些“网托邦”人士
09:42
that cybertopianscybertopians made制作
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所犯的最大的概念性错误
09:44
is when it comes to digital数字 natives当地人, people who have grown长大的 up online线上.
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是关于当今的数码一代,那些在网络上成长起来的人们。
09:47
We often经常 hear about cyber网络 activism行动,
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我们常常听说网络积极主义,
09:50
how people are getting得到 more active活性 because of the Internet互联网.
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听说人们是如何因为互联网而变得更加积极的。
09:53
Rarely很少 hear about cyber网络 hedonism享乐主义, for example,
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但却很少听说比如“网络享乐主义”之类的说法,
09:55
how people are becoming变得 passive被动.
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听说人们是如何因为互联网而变得被动消极的。
09:57
Why? Because they somehow不知何故 assume承担 that the Internet互联网
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为什么呢?因为这些“网托邦“人士一味地认为
09:59
is going to be the catalyst催化剂 of change更改
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互联网最终将成为社会变化的催化剂,
10:01
that will push young年轻 people into the streets街道,
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将鼓舞青年群众走向街头,
10:03
while in fact事实 it may可能 actually其实 be the new opium鸦片 for the masses群众
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但事实上它却成为了老百姓的新鸦片,
10:06
which哪一个 will keep the same相同 people in their rooms客房 downloading下载 pornography色情.
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鼓舞人们躲在自己房间里,下载色情片。
10:09
That's not an option选项 being存在 considered考虑 too strongly非常.
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但很多人却对这种想法不屑一顾。
10:13
So for every一切 digital数字 renegade叛变 that is revolting令人作呕 in the streets街道 of Tehran德黑兰,
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每个德黑兰街头造反的数码变节者的背后
10:16
there may可能 as well be two digital数字 captives俘虏
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都隐藏着
10:18
who are actually其实 rebelling反叛 only in the World世界 of Warcraft魔兽.
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两个只在魔兽世界里反抗的数码俘虏。
10:21
And this is realistic实际. And there is nothing wrong错误 about it
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这就是现实。不过这并没有什么不好的,
10:23
because the Internet互联网 has greatly非常 empowered授权 many许多 of these young年轻 people
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因为互联网的确是给了很多年轻人力量。
10:27
and it plays播放 a completely全然 different不同 social社会 role角色 for them.
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它对于他们所产生的社会作用是完全不同的。
10:29
If you look at some of the surveys调查
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如果你看看一些关于年轻人
10:31
on how the young年轻 people actually其实 benefit效益 from the Internet互联网,
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是如何从互联网中受益的问卷调查,
10:34
you'll你会 see that the number of teenagers青少年 in China中国, for example,
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你就会发现在中国
10:37
for whom the Internet互联网 actually其实 broadens变宽 their sex性别 life,
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性生活因为互联网而得以扩展的青少年的数量
10:40
is three times more than in the United联合的 States状态.
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比美国多三倍。
10:43
So it does play a social社会 role角色,
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所以互联网的确扮演着社会角色,
10:45
however然而 it may可能 not necessarily一定 lead to political政治 engagement订婚.
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只不过它不一定会带来任何实质性的政治讨论。
10:48
So the way I tend趋向 to think of it
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所以我情愿把它看作是一种
10:50
is like a hierarchy等级制度 of cyber-needsCYBER-需求 in space空间,
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网络上的需要层次论——
10:52
a total rip-off撕掉 from Abraham亚伯拉罕 Maslow马斯洛.
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完全是照抄亚伯拉罕-马斯洛(Abraham Maslow)(需要层次论的创立者)。
10:54
But the point here is that
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但重要的一点是
10:56
when we get the remote远程 Russian俄语 village online线上,
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当你把网络带给那些俄罗斯的边远乡村时,
10:59
what will get people to the Internet互联网
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真正能启发人们上网的
11:01
is not going to be the reports报告 from Human人的 Rights Watch.
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并不会是“人权观察“的报告,
11:03
It's going to be pornography色情, "Sex性别 and the City,"
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而是色情片,《欲望城市》,
11:06
or maybe watching观看 funny滑稽 videos视频 of cats.
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或者是根猫有关的搞笑视频。
11:09
So this is something you have to recognize认识.
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你们需要认识到这一点。
11:11
So what should we do about it?
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对此,我们应该做些什么呢?
11:13
Well I say we have to stop thinking思维
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我们需要摒弃
11:15
about the number of iPodsiPod播放器 per capita人头
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人均iPod值的概念,
11:18
and start开始 thinking思维 about ways方法 in which哪一个
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而是开始思考各种方法
11:20
we can empower授权 intellectuals知识分子,
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将力量带给知识分子、
11:23
dissidents持不同政见者, NGOs非政府组织 and then the members会员 of civil国内 society社会.
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不同意见者、非政府机构、以及所有文明社会的成员们。
11:26
Because even what has been happening事件 up 'til“直到 now
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因为随着“贴金网”和独裁约定的日渐壮大,
11:29
with the SpinternetSpinternet and authoritarian独裁的 deliberation审议,
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这些人的声音
11:31
there is a great chance机会 that those voices声音 will not be heard听说.
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很有可能会被淹没其中。
11:34
So I think we should shatter打碎 some of our utopian乌托邦 assumptions假设
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所以我们要摒弃乌托邦的假想,
11:37
and actually其实 start开始 doing something about it.
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开始脚踏实地地做一些实事。
11:39
Thank you.
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(谢谢)
11:41
(Applause掌声)
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(掌声)
Translated by Zachary Lin Zhao
Reviewed by dahong zhang

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Evgeny Morozov - Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think.

Why you should listen

Writer Evgeny Morozov studies the political and social aspects of the Internet. Right now, he's working on a book about the Internet's role in politics -- and especially how the Web influences civic engagement and regime stability in authoritarian, closed societies or in countries "in transition."

Morozov writes the much-quoted Foreign Policy blog Net.Effect, and is known for debunking -- with facts, figures and sound research -- myths and media-bandwagon assumptions about the impact of the Internet and mobile technologies on politics and society. We all want to be cyber-optimists, assuming that free societies necessarily follow from free data. Morozov is careful to say that it's not quite that simple: yes, social change can be empowered by new tech, but so can the policies of repressive regimes. Morozov attended TEDGlobal 2009 as one of 25 TEDGlobal Fellows.

Get the slide deck from his TEDGlobal talk >>

Read his essay in design mind >>

More profile about the speaker
Evgeny Morozov | Speaker | TED.com