ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Alexander Betts - Social scientist
Alexander Betts explores ways societies might empower refugees rather than pushing them to the margins.

Why you should listen

In media and in public debate, refugees are routinely portrayed as a burden. Professor Alexander Betts argues that refugees, who represent a wide spectrum of professional backgrounds, are in fact an untapped resource that could benefit nations willing to welcome them into their economies. 

Betts is the director of the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of Oxford, where he spearheads research on refugee and other forced migrant populations. His book, Survival Migration, explores the predicaments of people who are fleeing disaster yet fall outside legal definitions of refugee status.

More profile about the speaker
Alexander Betts | Speaker | TED.com
TEDSummit

Alexander Betts: Why Brexit happened -- and what to do next

Alexander Betts: 點解英國脫歐?下一步點樣做?

Filmed:
3,574,234 views

社會科學家 Alexander Betts 指出我哋好唔為意我哋個社會有幾分裂;英國脫歐係源於深層次、未探討過嘅社會分裂,分裂出兩班人︰一班人怕全球化,另一班人擁護全球化。面對呢種害怕同埋對政治體制愈嚟愈失望,而又拒絕仇外同民族主義,我哋應該點做?聽下佢講後英國脫歐時代,令世界更包容嘅四個步驟。
- Social scientist
Alexander Betts explores ways societies might empower refugees rather than pushing them to the margins. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:13
I am British英國.
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我係英國人
00:15
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
00:17
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
00:20
Never before has the phrase短語
"I am British英國" elicited引起 so much pity可惜.
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「我係英國人」呢句說話
從來未引起過咁多人同情
00:24
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
00:26
I come from an island
where many好多 of us like to believe
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我嚟自一個島國
好多人都相信
過去咁多年有好多嘢持續發生緊
00:29
there's been a lot of continuity連續性
over the last thousand years.
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歷史上,我哋傾向改變其他國家
00:33
We tend往往 to have historically歷史
imposed徵收 change on others
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00:36
but done much less of it ourselves自己.
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但好少改變自己
00:39
So it came as an immense巨大 shock休克 to me
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所以當我六月廿四號朝早起身
00:41
when I woke瞓醒 up on the morning早上 of June六月 24
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發現我個國家公投結果係脫歐之後
00:44
to discover發現 that my country國家
had voted投票 to leave離開 the European歐洲 Union聯盟,
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我好震驚
首相辭咗職
00:48
my Prime主要 Minister部長 had resigned辭職,
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蘇格蘭講緊第二場公投
00:50
and Scotland蘇格蘭 was considering諗緊 a referendum公投
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有可能令英國瓦解
00:53
that could bring to an end結束
the very existence存在 of the United聯合 Kingdom王國.
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00:58
So that was an immense巨大 shock休克 for me,
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所以成件事對於我嚟講都幾震撼
01:01
and it was an immense巨大
shock休克 for many好多 people,
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對於好多人嚟講都係
01:05
but it was also something
that, over the following以下 several幾個 days,
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但呢件事幾日後
發展成我國家嘅一個政治危機
01:08
created創建 a complete完成 political政治 meltdown崩潰
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01:11
in my country國家.
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01:12
There were calls調用 for a second第二 referendum公投,
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有呼聲話要舉行第二場公投
01:15
almost爭 D as if, following以下 a sports體育 match匹配,
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呢個情況就好似運動比賽完咗
01:17
we could ask問吓 the opposition反對 for a replay重播.
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我哋叫對手重新比賽一樣
01:20
Everybody大家 was blaming everybody大家 else.
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每個人都指責其他人
人民指責首相
01:23
People blamed the Prime主要 Minister部長
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話佢當初做咩搞公投
01:24
for calling the referendum公投
in the first place地方.
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01:27
They blamed the leader領袖 of the opposition反對
for not fighting戰鬥 it hard努力 enough.
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啲人鬧在野黨黨魁唔夠努力爭取
後生指控老人家
01:30
The young年輕 accused the old.
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受過教育責備無受過良好教育嘅
01:31
The educated教育 blamed
the less well-educated受過良好教育嘅.
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01:35
That complete完成 meltdown崩潰 was made作出 even worse更糟
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危機裏面最不幸嘅事
令成個危機更差
01:38
by the most tragic悲劇 element元素 of it:
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仇外同種族情緒充斥喺英國街頭
01:40
levels水平 of xenophobia排外 and racist種族主義 abuse濫用
in the streets街道 of Britain英國
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01:44
at a level水平 that I have never seen看到 before
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去到我前所未見嘅水平
01:46
in my lifetime一生.
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01:49
People are now talking講嘢 about whether係唔係
my country國家 is becoming成為 a Little England英國,
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啲人宜家講緊究竟我個國家
會變成小英格蘭
定係好似我同事話齋
01:54
or, as one of my colleagues同事 put it,
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01:56
whether係唔係 we're about to become成為
a 1950s nostalgia懷舊 theme主題 park公園
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變成一個浮沉喺大西洋嘅
五十年代懷舊公園
02:00
floating浮動 in the Atlantic大西洋 Ocean海洋.
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02:02
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
02:05
But my question個問題 is really,
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但我嘅問題係
02:08
should we have the degree程度 of shock休克
that we've我哋都 experienced經歷 since因為?
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我哋應唔應該保持震驚嘅程度呢?
02:13
Was it something
that took place地方 overnight一夜之間?
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究竟脫歐係咪一夜之間出現呢?
02:15
Or are there deeper更深 structural結構 factors因素
that have led us to where we are today今日?
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定係有深層結構性因素
令我哋走到今日咁嘅地步?
02:20
So I want to take a step back
and ask問吓 two very basic基本 questions個問題.
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我想退一步,問兩個好基本嘅問題
02:24
First, what does BrexitBrexit represent代表,
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第一,英國脫歐代表咩?
02:27
not just for my country國家,
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唔只對我國家
佢對全世界有咩意思?
02:29
but for all of us around the world世界?
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02:32
And second第二, what can we do about it?
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第二,我哋可以喺脫歐之後做啲乜?
02:35
How should we all respond響應?
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我哋要點樣應對?
02:37
So first, what does BrexitBrexit represent代表?
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返去第一條問題,英國脫歐代表咩?
02:40
Hindsight事後 is a wonderful美妙 thing.
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事後孔明係一件有趣嘅事
02:43
BrexitBrexit teaches us many好多 things
about our society社會
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脫歐教曉好多關於我哋社會嘅嘢
02:47
and about societies社會 around the world世界.
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以至世界上其他社會嘅嘢
02:51
It highlights突出 in ways方式
that we seem好似 embarrassingly尷尬 unaware of
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脫歐呢件事反映咗
我哋唔為意我哋社會有幾分裂
02:54
how divided劃分 our societies社會 are.
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02:56
The vote投票 split分裂 along沿 lines of age年齡,
education教育, class and geography地理.
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投票取向因年齡、教育程度、
階級同地理位置而唔同
03:03
Young年輕 people didn't turn out
to vote投票 in great numbers數字,
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年輕人唔踴躍投票
03:06
but those that did wanted to remain保持.
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但出咗嚟投票嘅年輕人都投咗留歐
03:08
Older people really wanted
to leave離開 the European歐洲 Union聯盟.
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長者想脫歐
03:12
Geographically地理, it was London倫敦 and Scotland蘇格蘭
that most strongly強烈 committed承諾
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地理上,倫敦同蘇格蘭最想留歐
03:15
to being part部分 of the European歐洲 Union聯盟,
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03:17
while in other parts部分 of the country國家
there was very strong ambivalence矛盾.
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而其他地方就一半一半
03:23
Those divisions部門 are things we really
need to recognize認識 and take seriously嚴重.
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取態唔同係我哋需要認真看待嘅嘢
03:27
But more profoundly深刻,
the vote投票 teaches us something
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但更重要既係
公投話咗畀我哋聽今日嘅政治形勢
03:30
about the nature自然 of politics政治 today今日.
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03:32
Contemporary當代 politics政治
is no longer just about right and left.
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當代政治唔再只係左翼同右翼
唔再只係交稅同開支
03:36
It's no longer just about tax and spend.
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03:39
It's about globalization全球化.
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當代政治係講緊全球化
03:41
The fault故障 line of contemporary當代 politics政治 is
between之間 those that embrace擁抱 globalization全球化
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當代政治嘅分裂在於
鍾意同害怕全球化之間
03:46
and those that fear恐懼 globalization全球化.
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03:50
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
03:55
If we look at why
those who wanted to leave離開 --
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如果我哋睇下想脫歐嘅人
03:58
we call them "Leavers畢業生,"
as opposed反對 to "RemainersRemainers" --
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我哋叫佢哋做脫歐陣營
相反嘅係留歐陣營
04:00
we see two factors因素 in the opinion意見 polls民意調查
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我哋見到民意調查裏面
兩個好重要嘅因素
04:03
that really mattered重要.
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04:04
The first was immigration移民,
and the second第二 sovereignty主權,
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第一係移民,其次係國家主權
04:07
and these represent代表 a desire欲望 for people
to take back control控制 of their佢哋 own自己 lives生活
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呢兩樣都代表咗
啲人想爭取返佢哋生活嘅自主權
代表佢哋覺得
04:13
and the feeling感覺 that they
are unrepresented任職 by politicians政治家.
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參政嘅人唔代表佢哋
04:18
But those ideas想法 are ones
that signify表示 fear恐懼 and alienation異化.
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但呢啲脫歐諗法意味住恐懼同孤立
04:23
They represent代表 a retreat撤退
back towards nationalism民族主義 and borders邊界
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代表倒退到民族主義同邊界管制嘅年代
04:29
in ways方式 that many好多 of us would reject拒絕.
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而我哋好多人都接受唔到
04:31
What I want to suggest建議 is the picture圖片
is more complicated複雜 than that,
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我想講成件事嘅更加複雜
04:34
that liberal自由 internationalists國際主義,
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自由國際主義者,好似我咁
04:36
like myself自己, and I firmly堅決
include包括 myself自己 in that picture圖片,
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需要將自己擺埋落成件事裏面
04:39
need to write ourselves自己
back into the picture圖片
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04:42
in order to understand理解
how we've我哋都 got to where we are today今日.
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至可以明白
我哋點樣走到今時今日嘅地步
04:47
When we look at the voting投票 patterns模式
across the United聯合 Kingdom王國,
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我哋睇返投票分佈
04:50
we can visibly明顯 see the divisions部門.
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我哋見到分裂
04:53
The blue藍色 areas一區 show顯示 Remain保持
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藍色係留歐
04:55
and the red areas一區 Leave離開.
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紅色係脫歐
04:57
When I looked at this,
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當我睇到呢幅圖
04:59
what personally struck襲擊 me
was the very little time in my life
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我覺得好震撼嘅係
我人生冇幾多時間喺紅色嘅地方生活
05:02
I've actually講真 spent
in many好多 of the red areas一區.
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05:06
I suddenly突然 realized實現 that,
looking at the top返回頁首 50 areas一區 in the UK英國
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望住頭五十個最想脫歐嘅地方
05:11
that have the strongest Leave離開 vote投票,
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我突然意識到
05:13
I've spent a combined聯合 total
of four days of my life in those areas一區.
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我只係花咗四日喺呢啲哋方生活
呢五十個地方當中
05:19
In some of those places地方,
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05:21
I didn't even know the names名字
of the voting投票 districts一區.
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我甚至唔知道一啲選區嘅名
05:24
It was a real真正 shock休克 to me,
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我對呢樣嘢好驚訝
05:26
and it suggested建議 that people like me
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呢樣嘢亦都反映
好似我以為自己包容、開放、忍耐嘅人
05:28
who think of ourselves自己
as inclusive包容, open打開 and tolerant寬容,
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05:32
perhaps或者 don't know
our own自己 countries國家 and societies社會
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或者對於我哋嘅國家同社會
同自己願意去相信嘅事物一樣咁唔清楚
05:35
nearly as well as we like to believe.
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05:38
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
05:48
And the challenge挑戰 that comes from that
is we need to find a new新增功能 way
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而伴隨著嘅挑戰係我哋要搵新方法
05:52
to narrate敍述 globalization全球化 to those people,
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向支持脫歐嘅人解釋全球化
05:55
to recognize認識 that for those people who
have not necessarily必然 been to university大學,
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同埋要明白呢啲人未必讀過大學
05:59
who haven't necessarily必然
grown大個 up with the Internet互聯網,
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互聯網未必陪伴佢哋成長
06:01
that don't get opportunities機會 to travel旅行,
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佢哋未必去過旅行
06:04
they may可能 be unpersuaded固執
by the narrative敍事 that we find persuasive說服力
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佢哋可能未被我哋自由社會裏面
覺得有說服嘅嘢說服
06:07
in our often經常 liberal自由 bubbles泡沫.
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06:10
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
06:15
It means意味着 that we need to reach達到 out
more broadly and understand理解.
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即係話我哋要接觸同埋理解更多
06:19
In the Leave離開 vote投票, a minority少數民族 have peddled兜售
the politics政治 of fear恐懼 and hatred仇恨,
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喺呢次公投裏面
小數人激起政治恐懼同憎恨
06:25
creating創建 lies謊言 and mistrust懷疑
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導致謊言同唔信任四起
06:28
around, for instance實例,
the idea想法 that the vote投票 on Europe歐洲
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例如,留歐其實可以減少
06:31
could reduce減少 the number數量 of refugees難民
and asylum-seekers尋求庇護者 coming to Europe歐洲,
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嚟歐洲嘅難民同申請庇護嘅人數
06:35
when the vote投票 on leaving離開
had nothing to do with immigration移民
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但脫歐就一啲都做唔到
06:38
from outside外面 the European歐洲 Union聯盟.
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06:41
But for a significant重要 majority大多數
of the Leave離開 voters選民
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大多數脫歐支持者嘅憂慮
06:44
the concern關注 was disillusionment幻滅
with the political政治 establishment建立.
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係對政治體制嘅幻滅
呢場公投其實係一場抗議
06:48
This was a protest抗議 vote投票 for many好多,
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抗議政制裏面無人代表到佢哋
06:50
a sense that nobody represented代表 them,
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06:53
that they couldn't唔可以 find
a political政治 party that spoke講嘢 for them,
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佢哋搵唔到為佢哋發聲嘅政黨
06:56
and so they rejected拒絕
that political政治 establishment建立.
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於是佢哋唔要宜家嘅政治體制
07:01
This replicates複製 around Europe歐洲
and much of the liberal自由 democratic民主 world世界.
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呢種不滿政制嘅情況喺歐洲
同好多自由民主嘅國家重覆出現
07:06
We see it with the rise上升 in popularity普及
of Donald唐纳德 Trump王牌 in the United聯合 States國家,
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同時,我哋見到特朗普喺美國冒起
07:11
with the growing增長 nationalism民族主義
of Viktor维克多 Orbán in Hungary匈牙利,
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匈牙利總理奧班嘅民族主義喺當地冒起
07:15
with the increase增加 in popularity普及
of Marine海洋 Le Pen in France法國.
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馬琳 · 勒龐喺法國嘅愈嚟愈受歡迎
成個社會裏面都有支持英國脫歐嘅人
07:20
The specter幽靈 of BrexitBrexit
is in all of our societies社會.
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07:25
So the question個問題 I think we need to ask問吓
is my second第二 question個問題,
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咁我哋就要問第二個問題
07:28
which is how should we
collectively集體 respond響應?
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我哋要點樣一齊應對?
07:31
For all of us who care護理 about creating創建
liberal自由, open打開, tolerant寬容 societies社會,
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對於我哋關心營造
自由、開放、寛容社會嘅人嚟講
07:37
we urgently迫切 need a new新增功能 vision視覺,
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我哋急需要新願景
07:39
a vision視覺 of a more tolerant寬容,
inclusive包容 globalization全球化,
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營造更包容同更寛容嘅全球化
07:43
one that brings帶嚟 people with us
rather than leaving離開 them behind背後.
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令我哋走埋一齊,而唔係拋低邊個
07:48
That vision視覺 of globalization全球化
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而當呢個全球化願景開始嘅時候
07:50
is one that has to start初時 by a recognition識別
of the positive積極 benefits著數 of globalization全球化.
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我哋需要認識全球化嘅好處
07:55
The consensus共識 amongst之間 economists經濟學家
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經濟學家都有共識
07:58
is that free自由 trade貿易,
the movement運動 of capital資本,
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全球化有利自由貿易、資金同人嘅流動
08:00
the movement運動 of people across borders邊界
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有利所有走埋一齊嘅人
08:02
benefit效益 everyone個個都 on aggregate骨料.
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08:05
The consensus共識 amongst之間
international國際 relations關係 scholars學者
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至於國際關係學者都同意
08:08
is that globalization全球化
brings帶嚟 interdependence相互依賴,
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全球化令國與國更加倚靠對方
08:10
which brings帶嚟 cooperation合作 and peace和平.
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促成合作同和平
08:13
But globalization全球化
also has redistributive分配 effects影響.
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但全球化有重新分配嘅效果
08:18
It creates創建 winners贏家 and losers失敗者.
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佢創造贏家同輸家
08:21
To take the example例子 of migration遷移,
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用移民做例子
08:23
we know that immigration移民 is a net positive積極
for the economy經濟 as a whole整個
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我哋知道移民喺大多數情況下
08:26
under almost爭 D all circumstances情況下.
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對經濟都係正面嘅
08:30
But we also have to be very aware
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但我哋亦都要好小心
08:33
that there are
redistributive分配 consequences後果,
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全球化帶嚟重新分配嘅結果
08:36
that importantly重要, low-skilled低技能 immigration移民
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尤其低技術移民
08:39
can lead導致 to a reduction減少 in wages人工
for the most impoverished貧困 in our societies社會
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可以令社會最貧困嘅一群工資下降
08:44
and also put pressure壓力 on house房子 prices價格.
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而且低技術移民會推高物業價格
08:46
That doesn't detract轉移
from the fact事實 that it's positive積極,
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但以上都削弱唔到全球化嘅正面影響
08:48
but it means意味着 more people
have to share共享 in those benefits著數
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全球化只會令更多人受到正面影響
08:51
and recognize認識 them.
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08:55
In 2002, the former Secretary-General秘書長
of the United聯合 Nations國家, Kofi科菲 Annan安南,
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2002 年,前聯合國秘書長安南
喺耶魯大學發表演講
09:00
gave a speech演講 at Yale耶魯 University大學,
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09:03
and that speech演講 was on the topic主題
of inclusive包容 globalization全球化.
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演講圍繞包容性全球化
09:07
That was the speech演講
in which he coined創造 that term術語.
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佢喺演講裏面創造咗
「包容性全球化」呢個詞
09:10
And he said, and I paraphrase套用,
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我轉述返佢講嘅嘢︰
09:12
"The glass玻璃 house房子 of globalization全球化
has to be open打開 to all
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「全球化如果要保持穩當嘅話
09:18
if it is to remain保持 secure安全.
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佢嘅大門就要向所有人打開
09:21
Bigotry偏執 and ignorance無知
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偏執同無知係排外同對抗全球化」
09:24
are the ugly樣衰 face塊面 of exclusionary排除
and antagonistic拮抗 globalization全球化."
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2008 年,好多歐洲國家領袖參與
09:31
That idea想法 of inclusive包容 globalization全球化
was briefly簡要 revived恢復 in 2008
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一個有關漸進式管治嘅會議
09:36
in a conference on progressive進步 governance治理
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包容性全球化嘅概念再次被提出
09:38
involving涉及 many好多 of the leaders領導人
of European歐洲 countries國家.
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09:43
But amid austerity緊縮
and the financial金融 crisis危機 of 2008,
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但 2008 年金融海嘯
同實行緊縮措施嗰陣
09:47
the concept概念 disappeared消失
almost爭 D without a trace吊住.
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呢個概念消失得無影無蹤
09:50
Globalization全球化 has been taken採取
to support支持 a neoliberal自由主義 agenda議程.
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全球化一直用喺新自由綱領裏面
09:54
It's perceived認為 to be
part部分 of an elite精英 agenda議程
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全球化被認為係精英人士嘅綱領
多過係有利各方嘅事物
09:57
rather than something that benefits著數 all.
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10:00
And it needs需要 to be reclaimed再生
on a far more inclusive包容 basis基礎
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明日嘅全球化應該要比今日更加包容
10:03
than it is today今日.
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10:05
So the question個問題 is,
how can we achieve實現 that goal目標?
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咁問題係,我哋點樣做到呢?
10:09
How can we balance平衡 on the one hand
addressing解決 fear恐懼 and alienation異化
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我哋點樣顧及恐懼、孤立嘅情緒
10:14
while on the other hand
refusing拒絕 vehemently強烈
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而拒絕仇外、民族主義呢?
10:17
to give in to xenophobia排外 and nationalism民族主義?
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10:21
That is the question個問題 for all of us.
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呢條問題係畀我哋所有人
10:23
And I think, as a social社會 scientist科學家,
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作為社會科學家
10:25
that social社會 science科學
offers提供 some places地方 to start初時.
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我覺得社會科學係解決問題嘅好開始
10:29
Our transformation轉型 has to be about
both ideas想法 and about material材料 change,
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我哋需要係意念上同物質上轉變
10:34
and I want to give you four ideas想法
as a starting初時 pointD.
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我想講四個諗法作為你哋嘅開始
10:37
The first relates涉及 to the idea想法
of civic公民 education教育.
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第一係同公民教育有關
10:42
What stands out from BrexitBrexit
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英國脫歐最突出嘅係
10:44
is the gap差距 between之間 public公眾 perception感知
and empirical實證 reality現實.
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公眾認知同現實差距
10:48
It's been suggested建議 that we've我哋都 moved
to a postfactualpostfactual society社會,
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有人話我哋社會變成唔講事實
10:52
where evidence證據 and truth真理 no longer matter個問題,
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證據同真相唔再重要
10:54
and lies謊言 have equal平等 status地位
to the clarity清晰 of evidence證據.
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反而大話同證據有同等地位
10:58
So how can we --
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咁我哋點…
11:00
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
11:02
How can we rebuild重建 respect尊重 for truth真理
and evidence證據 into our liberal自由 democracies民主?
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喺呢個自由民主嘅社會裏面
我哋點重新尊重真相同證據?
11:08
It has to begin初時 with education教育,
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咁就要由教育著手
11:10
but it has to start初時 with the recognition識別
that there are huge巨大 gaps差距.
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但要由認識巨大嘅差距開始
11:14
In 2014, the pollster民意測騐 IpsosIpsos MORI
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2014 年,民意調查機構 Ipsos MORI
11:18
published發表 a survey調查
on attitudes態度 to immigration移民,
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公佈一個英國人對於移民嘅態度調查
11:21
and it showed表明 that as numbers數字
of immigrants移民 increase增加,
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調查顯示移民嚟英國嘅人愈多
11:26
so public公眾 concern關注
with immigration移民 also increases增加,
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公眾愈關注移民嘅情況
11:29
although雖然 it obviously顯然
didn't unpack解壓 causality因果關係,
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雖然調查明顯無解構其中嘅因果關係
11:31
because this could equally同樣 be to do
not so much with numbers數字
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因為可能唔太關數字事
11:34
but the political政治
and media媒體 narrative敍事 around it.
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但政治同傳媒方面就覺得兩者有關係
但同一個調查發現
11:37
But the same相同 survey調查 also revealed透露
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11:41
huge巨大 public公眾 misinformation誤傳
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公眾對於移民有好大嘅誤解
11:43
and misunderstanding誤解
about the nature自然 of immigration移民.
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11:47
For example例子, in these attitudes態度
in the United聯合 Kingdom王國,
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例如,英國公眾相信
11:50
the public公眾 believed相信 that levels水平 of asylum庇護
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難民佔移民嘅比例比實際高
11:53
were a greater proportion比例
of immigration移民 than they were,
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11:56
but they also believed相信
the levels水平 of educational教育 migration遷移
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但佢哋同時相信
受教育嘅移民嘅比例遠低於實際
12:00
were far lower降低 as a proportion比例
of overall整體 migration遷移
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12:03
than they actually講真 are.
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12:05
So we have to address地址 this misinformation誤傳,
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我哋要重視呢個觀感同現實嘅落差
12:07
the gap差距 between之間 perception感知 and reality現實
on key關鍵 aspects方面 of globalization全球化.
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呢個係全球化重要嘅方面
12:12
And that can't just be something
that's left to our schools學校,
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但呢樣嘢唔可以剩係由學校做
12:15
although雖然 that's important重要
to begin初時 at an early早期 age年齡.
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雖然由細個開始著手係重要嘅
12:17
It has to be about lifelong終身
civic公民 participation參與
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處理落差需要花成世時間做公民參與
12:20
and public公眾 engagement訂婚
that we all encourage鼓勵 as societies社會.
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而呢樣正係社會所期望嘅
12:26
The second第二 thing
that I think is an opportunity機會
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第二樣我覺得同時係機遇嘅係
12:28
is the idea想法 to encourage鼓勵 more interaction互動
across diverse不同 communities社區.
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我哋可以鼓勵呢個分裂嘅社群
有更多交流
12:33
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
12:37
One of the things that stands out
for me very strikingly驚人,
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當我睇返英國人對於移民態度嘅時候
12:40
looking at immigration移民 attitudes態度
in the United聯合 Kingdom王國,
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其中一樣非常引起我注意
好諷刺地
12:43
is that ironically具有諷刺意味,
the regions一區 of my country國家
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最包融移民嘅地方有最多移民
12:46
that are the most tolerant寬容 of immigrants移民
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12:48
have the highest最高 numbers數字 of immigrants移民.
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12:51
So for instance實例, London倫敦 and the Southeast東南
have the highest最高 numbers數字 of immigrants移民,
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例如倫敦同東南部有最多移民
12:55
and they are also by far
the most tolerant寬容 areas一區.
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而呢兩個地方都係最接納到移民
12:58
It's those areas一區 of the country國家
that have the lowest最低 levels水平 of immigration移民
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至於,有最少移民嘅地方
就最排斥同最唔能夠包融移民
13:02
that actually講真 are the most exclusionary排除
and intolerant偏執 towards migrants移民.
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13:07
So we need to encourage鼓勵 exchange交換 programs程序.
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所以我哋要鼓勵交流計劃嘅出現
13:09
We need to ensure確保 that older generations
who maybe can't travel旅行
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我哋要令未必能夠旅行嘅
上一代可以上到網
13:13
get access訪問 to the Internet互聯網.
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13:15
We need to encourage鼓勵,
even on a local當地 and national國家 level水平,
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係本地或者國家層面
13:18
more movement運動, more participation參與,
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我哋都要鼓勵更多嘅流動、參與
13:20
more interaction互動
with people who we don't know
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鼓勵同唔識嘅人
同睇法不完全一樣嘅人
13:22
and whose views视图 we might可能
not necessarily必然 agree同意 with.
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有更多嘅交流
13:26
The third第三 thing that I think
is crucial關鍵, though雖然,
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第三我覺得關鍵而又好基本嘅係
13:29
and this is really fundamental基本,
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13:31
is we have to ensure確保 that everybody大家 shares股票
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我哋要確保每個人
都可以享受到全球化嘅成果
13:33
in the benefits著數 of globalization全球化.
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13:36
This illustration插圖 from the Financial金融 Times
post-Brexit之後 brexit is really striking驚人.
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呢幅圖由金融時報做
係有關後脫歐時代,好震撼
13:41
It shows顯示 tragically不幸 that those people
who voted投票 to leave離開 the European歐洲 Union聯盟
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幅圖顯示想脫歐嘅人其實係
13:45
were those who actually講真
benefited受益 the most materially重大
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最受惠於歐盟貿易嘅物質成果
13:47
from trade貿易 with the European歐洲 Union聯盟.
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13:51
But the problem個問題 is
that those people in those areas一區
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但問題係
嗰啲喺想脫歐嘅地方嘅人
13:53
didn't perceive感知 themselves自己
to be beneficiaries受益者.
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唔覺得佢哋係受惠於歐盟嘅一群
13:56
They didn't believe that they
were actually講真 getting得到 access訪問
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佢哋唔信佢哋受惠緊
13:59
to material材料 benefits著數 of increased增加 trade貿易
and increased增加 mobility流動性 around the world世界.
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世界貿易同流動上升
所帶嚟嘅物質成果
14:05
I work on questions個問題
predominantly主要 to do with refugees難民,
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我主要鑽研難民問題
14:09
and one of the ideas想法
I spent a lot of my time preaching說教,
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而我其中一個針對發展中國家
花咗好多時間宣揚嘅諗法
14:12
mainly主要 to developing發展 countries國家
around the world世界,
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14:15
is that in order to encourage鼓勵
the integration集成 of refugees難民,
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係若然要鼓勵難民融合
14:18
we can't just benefit效益
the refugee難民 populations人口,
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我哋唔可以剩係令難民受惠
14:21
we also have to address地址 the concerns關注
of the host主機 communities社區 in local當地 areas一區.
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我哋亦要顧及本土社區嘅憂慮
14:27
But in looking at that,
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但睇返其中一項政策
14:28
one of the policy政策 prescriptions處方
is that we have to provide提供
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我哋要喺有大量移民嘅地區
14:31
disproportionately不成比例 better
education教育 facilities設施, health健康 facilities設施,
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提供唔合比例地好嘅
14:35
access訪問 to social社會 services服務
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教育設施、醫療設施、社會服務
14:37
in those regions一區 of high immigration移民
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14:39
to address地址 the concerns關注
of those local當地 populations人口.
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以回應當地居民嘅憂慮
14:42
But while we encourage鼓勵 that
around the developing發展 world世界,
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但當我哋喺發展中國家行呢套嘅同時
14:45
we don't take those lessons home
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我哋冇將呢套帶返嚟我哋自己國家
14:46
and incorporate them in our own自己 societies社會.
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用喺我哋自己社會入面
14:50
Furthermore此外, if we're going
to really take seriously嚴重
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再講,如果我哋真係要
14:53
the need to ensure確保 people share共享
in the economic經濟 benefits著數,
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確保人人都可以享受經濟成果
14:56
our businesses企業 and corporations公司
need a model模型 of globalization全球化
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公司同企業就要一個全球化嘅示範
15:00
that recognizes承認 that they, too,
have to take people with them.
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令佢哋明白佢哋都要對人有所承擔
15:05
The fourth and final最後 idea想法
I want to put forward向前
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第四個,亦係最後一個就係
15:08
is an idea想法 that we need
more responsible負責 politics政治.
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我哋需要更負責任嘅政治
15:12
There's very little
social社會 science科學 evidence證據
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但我哋得好少社會科學嘅證據
比較啲人對全球化嘅態度
15:15
that compares比較 attitudes態度 on globalization全球化.
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15:18
But from the surveys調查 that do exist存在,
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但睇返現有嘅調查
我哋可以睇到
15:20
what we can see is there's huge巨大 variation變化
across different不同 countries國家
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國家之間
就算同一個國家喺唔同嘅時間
15:25
and time periods時期 in those countries國家
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對於移民、人口流動
自由貿易嘅態度同承受能力
15:27
for attitudes態度 and tolerance寬容
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15:29
of questions個問題 like migration遷移
and mobility流動性 on the one hand
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都有好大差別
15:32
and free自由 trade貿易 on the other.
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15:34
But one hypothesis假設 that I think emerges出現
from a cursory粗略 look at that data數據
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但從呢啲數據得出一個假設係
15:40
is the idea想法 that polarized極化 societies社會
are far less tolerant寬容 of globalization全球化.
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兩極化社會更加接受唔到全球化
15:46
It's the societies社會
like Sweden瑞典 in the past過去,
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好似以前嘅瑞典同宜家嘅加拿大咁
15:49
like Canada加拿大 today今日,
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15:50
where there is a centrist中間派 politics政治,
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都有中間路線嘅政治
15:52
where right and left work together一起,
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左翼同右翼合作
15:54
that we encourage鼓勵 supportive支持 attitudes態度
towards globalization全球化.
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鼓勵支持全球化
15:58
And what we see around the world世界 today今日
is a tragic悲劇 polarization極化,
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但我哋今時今日見到嘅兩極化係悲慘嘅
16:02
a failure to have dialogue對話
between之間 the extremes極端 in politics政治,
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政治極端兩邊嘅人冇辦法對話
16:05
and a gap差距 in terms條款
of that liberal自由 center中心 ground地面
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兩班人都失去咗中間自由嘅光譜
16:08
that can encourage鼓勵 communication通信
and a shared共享 understanding理解.
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而呢個中間地帶
卻可以鼓勵兩邊溝通同體諒對方
16:12
We might可能 not achieve實現 that today今日,
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我哋未必今日做到
16:13
but at the very least最小 we have to call
upon之後 our politicians政治家 and our media媒體
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但至少我哋要呼籲政客同傳媒
16:17
to drop下降 a language語言 of fear恐懼
and be far more tolerant寬容 of one another另一個.
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用詞唔好再係表達恐懼
而係更包容呢兩個極端
16:21
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
16:29
These ideas想法 are very tentative初步,
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呢啲諗法都係初步
16:32
and that's in part部分 because this needs需要
to be an inclusive包容 and shared共享 project項目.
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咁係因為解決方案需要多方意見
16:38
I am still British英國.
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我仲係英國人
16:40
I am still European歐洲.
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我仲係歐洲人
16:43
I am still a global全球 citizen公民.
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3000
我仲係世界公民
16:47
For those of us who believe
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相信我哋身份並唔係互相排斥嘅我哋
16:49
that our identities身份
are not mutually相互 exclusive獨家,
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16:53
we have to all work together一起
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我哋要走埋一齊
16:56
to ensure確保 that globalization全球化
takes everyone個個都 with us
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確保全球化唔會抌低我哋任何一個
17:00
and doesn't leave離開 people behind背後.
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17:02
Only then will we truly真正 reconcile調和
democracy民主 and globalization全球化.
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只有嗰陣
我哋先真正將民主同全球化調和
17:07
Thank you.
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多謝
17:09
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
Translated by Chak Lam Wan
Reviewed by Winnie Ling

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Alexander Betts - Social scientist
Alexander Betts explores ways societies might empower refugees rather than pushing them to the margins.

Why you should listen

In media and in public debate, refugees are routinely portrayed as a burden. Professor Alexander Betts argues that refugees, who represent a wide spectrum of professional backgrounds, are in fact an untapped resource that could benefit nations willing to welcome them into their economies. 

Betts is the director of the Refugee Studies Centre at the University of Oxford, where he spearheads research on refugee and other forced migrant populations. His book, Survival Migration, explores the predicaments of people who are fleeing disaster yet fall outside legal definitions of refugee status.

More profile about the speaker
Alexander Betts | Speaker | TED.com