TED2003
Noah Feldman: Politics and religion are technologies
諾厄·費爾德曼把政治和宗教視為技術機制
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諾厄·費爾德曼精闢的提出政治和宗教皆為相似的技術，即使它們南轅北轍，但在設計上都能有效地聯繫和管理人群。
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law. Full bio
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
I want to argue to you that in fact, politics and religion,
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我想論證的是：其實，政治和宗教－－
00:17
which are the two primary factors --
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這兩個因素－－
00:19
not the sole, but overwhelmingly, the primary factors --
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雖非唯一，卻絕對是最主要的因素，
00:22
which are driving towards a war which looks extremely likely --
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把我們推向一個戰爭的邊緣，
00:25
bordering on the inevitable at this point,
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可以說是到了一觸即發的地步，
00:27
whether one is in favor of that or not --
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無論你喜歡這個說法與否，
00:29
that politics and religion are, in fact, themselves
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政治和宗教本質上
00:32
better conceptualized as kinds of technology,
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都可被理解為一種技術，
00:36
and subject to kinds of questions that we regularly consider
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我們可以用設計概念
00:41
in the space of conceptual design.
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去分析她們。
00:44
Here's what I mean. Politics and --
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讓我解釋一下，
00:47
let's focus on the political system in particular question here,
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先看政治制度的一種－－
00:50
which is the system of democracy.
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民主政治，
00:52
Democracy, as a type of politics, is a technology
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民主，作為一種政治制度，是一種
00:56
for the control and deployment of power.
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用來控制和行使權力的技術，
00:58
You can deploy power in a wide range of ways.
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我們可以用多種不同的方法使用權力，
01:01
The famous ones -- despotism is a good one;
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人所共知的有「獨裁統治」，
01:03
anarchy is a way to not deploy the power in any organized way,
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「無政府狀態」是一種權力運用缺乏組織、
01:06
to do it in a radically diffused fashion;
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散漫無章的狀態；
01:08
and democracy is a set of technologies,
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而民主是一套科技，
01:10
which have the effect of, in principle,
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原則上她要達到的效果是：
01:13
diffusing the power source to a large number of people
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把權力來源分散到大眾，
01:16
and then re-concentrating it in a smaller group of people who govern,
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再重新集合到負責管治的少數人，
01:19
and who themselves are, in principle, authorized to govern
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而他們原則上是憑藉大眾所作的選擇，
01:23
by virtue of what the broader public has done.
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而被授權去管治；
01:26
Now, consider religion -- in this case Islam,
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現在來看看宗教，我以回教作論，
01:29
which is the religion that, in some direct sense,
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她可以說是一手造成
01:32
can be said to be precipitating what we're about to enter.
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我們將要面臨的處境的宗教。
01:36
Let me say parenthetically why I think that's the case,
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這可以是很有爭議性的說法，
01:38
because I think it's a potentially controversial statement.
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所以讓我順帶解釋一下，
01:41
I would put it in the following equation: no 9/11, no war.
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一言敝之：沒有9/11，就沒有戰爭；
01:45
At the beginning of the Bush administration,
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在布殊上台之初，
01:49
when President Bush, now President Bush, was running for president,
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當布殊總統還在競選的時候，
01:52
he made it very clear that he was not interested in intervening broadly in the world.
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他明確的表示他沒有興趣在世界舞台上大展拳腳；
01:55
In fact, the trend was for disengagement with the rest of the world.
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其實，當時的大勢是要撤離國際上的參與，
01:58
That's why we heard about the backing away from the Kyoto protocol, for example.
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我們在京都議定書問題上退下來就是一例，
02:02
After 9/11, the tables were turned.
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9/11之後，形勢改變了，
02:05
And the president decided, with his advisors,
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總統和他的幕僚決定，
02:08
to undertake some kind of an active intervention in the world around us.
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在國際上要採取主動，
02:12
That began with Afghanistan,
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行動由阿富汗開始，
02:14
and when Afghanistan went extremely smoothly and quickly,
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當在阿富汗的任務進行得那麼順利快速，
02:17
a decision was made through the technology of democracy --
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在民主的技術機制下－－
02:21
again, notice, not a perfect technology --
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請留意，那不是完美的機制，
02:24
but through the technology of democracy
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但是通過民主的技術機制－－
02:26
that this administration was going to push in the direction of another war --
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這個政府決定開始推展另一場戰爭，
02:29
this time, a war in Iraq.
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這次戰場在伊拉克，
02:31
Now, the reason I begin by saying "no 9/11, no war"
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我之所以說：沒有9/11，就沒有戰爭，
02:36
is that we have to acknowledge that Islam,
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是因為我們要認識到，
02:40
as interpreted by a very, very small, extremely radical group of people,
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回教在一群很少數、很極端的人演繹之下，
02:46
was a precipitating cause of the 9/11 attacks --
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成為了9/11襲擊的決定性導因，
02:50
the precipitating cause of the 9/11 attacks --
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她是9/11襲擊的決定性導因，
02:52
and as a consequence, at one degree of remove,
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隨著事情的發展，她亦是
02:55
the precipitating cause of the coming war that we're about to be engaged in.
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我們將要面臨的戰爭的決定性導因，
02:59
And I would add that bin Laden and his followers
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我要註明，拉登和他的追隨者，
03:02
are consciously devoted to the goal of creating a conflict between democracy,
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刻意製造和挑撥民主和伊斯蘭世界間的矛盾，
03:07
or at least capitalist democracy, on the one hand,
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一面是資本主義民主，
03:10
and the world of Islam as they see and define it.
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一面是他們眼中的伊斯蘭世界。
03:14
Now, how is Islam a technology in this conceptual apparatus?
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好了，回教在這個概念上又是那一門的技術呢？
03:17
Well, it's a technology for, first, salvation in its most basic sense.
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首先，她的根本性是救贖的機制，
03:21
It's meant to be a mechanism for construing the universe
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她的原意是演繹宇宙的一種方式，
03:24
in a way that will bring about the salvation of the individual believer,
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讓信徒從而獲得救贖，
03:28
but it's also meant by the Islamists --
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但對信奉回教的
03:30
and I use that term to mean people who believe that Islam --
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伊斯蘭信徒來講，
03:34
they follow the slogan, Islam is the answer to a wide range of questions,
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伊斯蘭能解答各種問題，
03:37
whether they're social, or political, or personal, or spiritual.
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無論是社會的、政治的、個人的或靈性的，
03:40
Within the sphere of people who have that view,
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這類信徒組成
03:42
and it's a large number of people in the Muslim world
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穆斯林世界的大部分，
03:44
who disagree with bin Laden in his application,
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他們雖然不同意拉登的手法，
03:46
but agree that Islam is the answer.
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卻同意在伊斯蘭能找到答案；
03:48
Islam represents a way of engaging the world
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伊斯蘭代表一種處世之道，
03:51
through which one can achieve certain desirable goals.
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她能讓人達到一些高尚的目標，
03:54
And the goals from the perspective of Muslims are, in principle,
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用回教徒的角度，
03:58
peace, justice and equality,
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和平、公義和平等原則上都是他們所追求的，
04:01
but on terms that correspond to traditional Muslim teachings.
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但是要根據傳統穆斯林教化而詮釋；
04:05
Now, I don't want to leave a misimpression
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好了，請不要誤會，
04:08
by identifying either of these propositions --
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我指出這兩個提議－－
04:11
rather, either of these phenomena, democracy or Islam -- as technologies.
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應該說是這兩個現象：民主和伊斯蘭，都是技術，
04:15
I don't want to suggest that they are a single thing that you can point to.
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並不表示她們是同一樣的實物，
04:18
And I think a good way to prove this
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一個解釋的好方法，
04:20
is simply to demonstrate to you what my thought process was
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就是讓你替我想想，我在演講時，
04:23
when deciding what to put on the wall behind me when I spoke.
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在後面的牆上應放些甚麼，
04:26
And I ran immediately into a conceptual problem:
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我立即遇到一個概念問題，
04:28
you can't show a picture of democracy.
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你不能用圖片表達民主，
04:30
You can show a slogan, or a symbol, or a sign that stands for democracy.
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你可以展示口號，或者一個符號，或一個代表民主的標誌，
04:35
You can show the Capitol --
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你可以展示美國國會大廈，
04:36
I had the same problem when I was designing the cover
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當我設計我的新書封面時
04:38
of my forthcoming book, in fact --
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已遇到同樣的問題，
04:40
what do you put on the cover to show democracy?
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用甚麼圖像來表達民主呢？
04:42
And the same problem with respect to Islam.
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對伊斯蘭亦有同樣的問題，
04:44
You can show a mosque, or you can show worshippers,
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你可以用清真寺，或朝拜者，
04:46
but there's not a straightforward way of depicting Islam.
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但卻沒有一個直接描繪伊斯蘭的方法，
04:48
That's because these are the kinds of concepts
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因為這些是
04:50
that are not susceptible to easy representation.
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不容易表達的概念；
04:53
Now, it follows from that, that they're deeply contestable.
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亦因此，它們是深具爭議性的，
04:56
It follows from that that all of the people in the world
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亦因此，世界上所有
04:59
who say that they are Muslims can, in principle,
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自稱是回教徒的人，在原則上，
05:01
subscribe to a wide range of different interpretations
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能信奉各種不同對伊斯蘭真義的演繹，
05:04
of what Islam really is, and the same is true of democracy.
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民主亦然，
05:09
In other words, unlike the word hope,
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換句話說，有別於那些辭－－例如「希望」，
05:12
which one could look up in a dictionary and derive origins for,
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你能在字典上查到出處，
05:16
and, perhaps, reach some kind of a consensual use analysis,
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或能找到某種公認的用法，
05:19
these are essentially contested concepts.
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這些名詞的概念本身就具爭議，
05:21
They're ideas about which people disagree in the deepest possible sense.
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是人們在最根本的意義上有不同看法的，
05:27
And as a consequence of this disagreement,
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由此，
05:30
it's very, very difficult for anyone to say,
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我們不可以說：
05:32
"I have the right version of Islam."
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「我對伊斯蘭的理解就是正確的版本。」
05:34
You know, post-9/11, we were treated to the amazing phenomenon
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在9/11之後，我們親歷這個奇異的現象，
05:37
of George W. Bush saying, "Islam means peace."
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布殊說：「伊斯蘭即是和平。」
05:40
Well, so says George W. Bush.
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好吧，那是布殊的說法，
05:43
Other people would say it means something else.
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其他人會說伊斯蘭是其他東西，
05:45
Some people would say that Islam means submission.
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一些人會說伊斯蘭即是「順從」，
05:47
Other people would say it means an acknowledgement
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其他人會說伊斯蘭是對神的管治
05:49
or recognition of God's sovereignty.
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的認同和理解，
05:51
There are a wide range of different things that Islam can mean.
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伊斯蘭的可以有很多不同的演繹；
05:54
And ostensibly, the same is true of democracy.
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似乎民主也是一樣，
05:56
Some people say that democracy consists basically in elections.
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一些人說民主基本體現在選舉中，
05:59
Other people say no, that's not enough,
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其他人卻不認同，認為這個解說不全面，
06:01
there have to be basic liberal rights: free speech, free press, equality of citizens.
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民主還要有基本的自由權利：言論、出版的自由和人民的平等，
06:05
These are contested points, and it's impossible to answer them by saying,
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這些是爭議點，我們不可以這樣回答：
06:08
"Ah ha, I looked in the right place, and I found out what these concepts mean."
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「啊，我已經在適當的地方查過，並找出這些概念的意思。」
06:12
Now, if Islam and democracy are at present
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如果，現在伊斯蘭和民主在這一刻，
06:16
in a moment of great confrontation,
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來一個大對決，
06:18
what does that mean?
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那是甚麼意思？
06:20
Well, you could fit it into a range of different interpretative frameworks.
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你可以用不同的框架去詮釋，
06:24
You could begin with the one that we began with a couple of days ago,
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其一是前兩天我們講過的，
06:27
which was fear.
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那就是「恐懼」，
06:29
Fear is not an implausible reaction with a war just around the corner
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在戰爭一觸即發之際，「恐懼」並非不可理解的回應，
06:34
and with a very, very high likelihood that many, many people are going to die
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有很多人很可能因此送命，
06:37
as a consequence of this confrontation --
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由於這次對決－－
06:39
a confrontation which many, many people
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一個很多回教世界的人
06:41
in the Muslim world do not want,
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不想見到的對決，
06:43
many, many people in the American democracy do not want,
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很多美式民主世界的人不想見到的對決，
06:46
many people elsewhere in the world do not want,
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很多世界各地的人都不想見到的對決，
06:48
but which nonetheless is favored by a large enough number of people --
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但不論如何，卻有一班足夠多的人，
06:51
at least in the relevant space, which is the United States --
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至少在關鍵的地方－－美國－－
06:55
to actually go forward. So fear is not a crazy response at all.
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認為應該進行，所以「恐懼」並非不理性的反應，
06:58
And I think that that's, in fact, probably the first appropriate response.
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而我認為，那其實可能是第一個合理的反應，
07:02
What I want to suggest to you, though, in the next couple of minutes
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但我想在以下的時間向你提出的是，
07:05
is that there's also a hopeful response to this.
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另一個回應是「希望」，
07:09
And the hopeful response derives from recognizing
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「希望」源於我們認識到
07:12
that Islam and democracy are technologies.
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伊斯蘭和民主都是一種技術機制，
07:14
And by virtue of being technologies, they're manipulable.
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既然她們是機制，即是可以受操控，
07:17
And they're manipulable in ways
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在操控之下達致
07:19
that can produce some extremely positive outcomes.
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一些極之正面的結果，
07:21
What do I have in mind?
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我的意思是甚麼呢？
07:23
Well, all over the Muslim world there are people
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在回教世界中，有些人
07:26
who take Islam deeply seriously, people who care about Islam,
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極之嚴肅的對待伊斯蘭，他們關心伊斯蘭，
07:30
for whom it's a source either of faith, or of civilization, or of deep values,
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對他們來說，伊斯蘭可能是信念、是文明、是深層的價值，
07:34
or just a source of powerful personal identity,
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又或是強烈的個人身份認同，
07:36
who think and are saying loudly that Islam and democracy
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他們認為伊斯蘭和民主其實並無衝突，
07:40
are in fact not in conflict, but are in fact deeply compatible.
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反而是深深的共融，他們並大力宣揚這個信念；
07:44
And these Muslims -- and it's the vast majority of Muslims --
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而這些回教徒－－他們是大多數－－
07:47
disagree profoundly with bin Laden's approach, profoundly.
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徹底反對拉登的手法，
07:52
And they furthermore think overwhelmingly --
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他們絕大多數的呼聲－－
07:55
again one can't speak of every person, but overwhelmingly,
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雖然我們不能代每一個人說話，但他們肯定是大多數－－
07:57
and one can find this by reading any of the sources
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但我們在各資訊媒體找到他們的呼聲，
07:59
that they have produced, and they're all over the Internet
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在互聯網上很容易找到他們
08:02
and in all sorts of languages -- one can see that they're saying
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以各種語言，宣揚他們的聲音，
08:05
that their concern in their own countries is primarily to free up themselves
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他們所關注的，是在各自國家怎樣解放自己，
08:11
to have choice in the spheres of personal life,
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在個人生活上、經濟上、政治上、
08:15
in the sphere of economics, in the sphere of politics,
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怎樣有所選擇，
08:18
and, yes, in the sphere of religion,
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甚至是宗教上－－
08:20
which is itself closely regulated in most of the Muslim world.
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一個在穆斯林世界中嚴密控制的範疇－－有所選擇；
08:23
And many of these Muslims further say
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很多這些回教徒進而認為，
08:25
that their disagreement with the United States
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他們反對美國的，
08:28
is that it, in the past and still in the present,
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在於美國在過去，甚至現在，
08:31
has sided with autocratic rulers in the Muslim world
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都站在回教世界中的專制統治者一方，
08:35
in order to promote America's short-term interests.
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只為了提升美國的短期利益；
08:41
Now, during the Cold War, that may have been
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在冷戰時期，那還可以說是
08:43
a defensible position for the United States to take.
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美國自我防衛的一種取態，
08:45
That's an academic question.
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那可以是一個學術討論，
08:47
It may be that there was a great war to be fought between West and East,
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可能在東西方的大角力中，
08:50
and it was necessary on the axis of democracy against communism.
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必須建立民主軸心同盟以對抗社會主義，
08:54
And it was necessary in some way for these to contradict each other,
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有必要讓這兩種東西在某方面互相對立，
08:57
and as a consequence you have to make friends wherever you can get them.
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於是，誰跟你做朋友，你也只好接受了，
09:00
But now that the Cold War is over,
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但現在冷戰已經結束，
09:02
there's nearly universal consensus in the Muslim world --
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在回教世界裏，差不多所有人都有共識，
09:06
and pretty close to the same here in the United States,
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而在美國也是一樣，
09:08
if you talk to people and ask them --
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如果你問他們，
09:10
that in principle, there's no reason that democracy and Islam cannot co-exist.
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原則上，民主和伊斯蘭沒有理由不能共存，
09:14
And we see this among activist, practical Muslims,
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我們可見這些活躍的、實事求是的回教徒，
09:17
like the Muslims who are presently the elected,
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例如土耳其的穆斯林，
09:19
parliamentary, democratic government of Turkey,
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他們的國家都有民選的國會和民主政府，
09:21
who are behaving pragmatically, not ideologically,
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他們作風務實，不流於理想主義，
09:24
who are promoting their own religious values,
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他們推廣自己的宗教價值，
09:26
who are elected by their own people
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他們憑著自己的誠實和誠懇，
09:28
because they were perceived as honest and sincere
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憑著他們的宗教價值，
09:30
because of their religious values,
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由自己的人民選出來，
09:32
but who do not think that Islam and a democratic system of governance
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他們並不認為伊斯蘭和民主政制
09:36
are fundamentally incompatible.
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有著根本的矛盾，
09:38
Now, you may say, but surely, what we've seen on television about Saudi Islam
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你或會說，我們在電視上見到沙地的回教徒，
09:43
convinces us that it can't possibly be compatible
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明顯告訴我們，他們的價值
09:45
with what we consider the core of democracy --
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和我們認同的民主核心價值沒有可能共容，
09:47
namely, free political choice, basic liberty and basic equality.
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包括政治上的自由選擇、基本自由和平等，
09:51
But I'm here to tell you that technologies
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但我在這裏告訴你，
09:55
are more malleable than that.
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技術機制的延展性是很高的，
09:57
I'm here to tell you that many, many Muslims believe --
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我想告訴你，很多很多回教徒－－
10:00
the vast majority, in fact -- in fact I think I would go so far as to say
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可以說是絕大多數的回教徒，我甚至敢說
10:02
that many Muslims in Saudi Arabia believe that the core values of Islam,
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很多沙地阿拉伯的回教徒－－
10:06
namely acknowledgement of God's sovereignty
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都相信伊斯蘭的核心價值－－包括承認神的管治，
10:08
and basic human equality before God,
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和神面前人們基本平等，
10:11
are themselves compatible with liberty, equality and free political choice.
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本身與自由、平等和自由政治選擇是同出一轍的，
10:15
And there are Muslims, many Muslims out there, who are saying precisely this.
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很多回教徒都是這樣說，
10:20
And they're making this argument wherever they're permitted to make it.
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他們把握每一個機會，提出這個論調，
10:23
But their governments, needless to say, are relatively threatened by this.
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但他們的政府當然感到一定的威脅，
10:25
And for the most part try to stop them from making this argument.
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而盡量阻止他們宣揚這個論調，
10:28
So, for example, a group of young activists in Egypt
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例如，在埃及，一群年青的活躍份子，
10:32
try to form a party known as the Center Party,
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打算組成一個叫「中心黨」的政黨，
10:34
which advocated the compatibility of Islam and democracy.
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鼓催伊斯蘭和民主的共容，
10:36
They weren't even allowed to form a party.
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他們連組成政黨都不被批准，
10:38
They were actually blocked from even forming a party
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根據當地的政治制度，
10:40
under the political system there. Why?
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他們根本是被禁止組黨，為甚麼呢？
10:42
Because they would have done extraordinarily well.
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因為若果他們成功，一定會得到很多支持，
10:44
In the most recent elections in the Muslim world --
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在穆斯林世界中，近期的選舉，包括
10:46
which are those in Pakistan, those in Morocco
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在巴基斯坦、摩洛哥和土耳其，
10:49
and those in Turkey -- in each case,
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每一次，
10:51
people who present themselves to the electorate as Islamic democrats
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那些走伊斯蘭民主派路線的候選人，
10:54
were far and away the most successful vote-getters
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在每一處他們能自由参選的地方，
10:57
every place they were allowed to run freely.
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都吸去了大量的選票，遠遠拋離對手，
11:01
So in Morocco, for example, they finished third in the political race
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例如在摩洛哥，雖然他們只能競逐一半的議席，
11:05
but they were only allowed to contest half the seats.
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卻能在選舉中排名第三，
11:07
So had they contested a larger number of the seats,
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如果他們能夠染指更多的議席，
11:09
they would have done even better.
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他們肯定能做得更好，
11:11
Now what I want to suggest to you is that the reason for hope in this case
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我現在想說的是有希望的原因，
11:14
is that we are on the edge of a real transformation in the Muslim world.
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是我們快見到回教世界的真正轉變，
11:19
And that's a transformation in which many sincerely believing Muslims --
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在當中，很多虔誠的回教徒，
11:23
who care very, very deeply about their traditions,
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他們十分關心自己的傳統，
11:26
who do not want to compromise those values --
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他們不想在傳統價值上退讓，
11:29
believe, through the malleability of the technology of democracy
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他們相信，通過民主這個技術機制的可塑性，
11:33
and the malleability and synthetic capability of the technology of Islam,
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和伊斯蘭這個技術機制的可塑性和整合性，
11:38
that these two ideas can work together.
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兩個概念能互相配合，
11:41
Now what would that look like?
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那會是怎樣的呢？
11:43
What does it mean to say that there's an Islamic democracy?
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伊斯蘭的民主會是意味些甚麼呢？
11:46
Well, one thing is, it's not going to look identical
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有一點可以肯定的，是那會和美國的民主
11:48
to democracy as we know it in the United States.
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很不一樣，
11:51
That may be a good thing, in light of some of the criticisms we've heard today --
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那可能是好事，尤其眼見當今我們的民主制度，
11:54
for example, in the regulatory context -- of what democracy produces.
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帶來很多受到眾多批評的結果，
11:58
It will also not look exactly the way either the people in this room,
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那也不會跟在座各位、
12:02
or Muslims out in the rest of the world --
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或外面世界的回教徒－－
12:04
I don't mean to imply there aren't Muslims here, there probably are --
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我無意暗示在座沒有回教徒，其實很可能是有的－－
12:07
conceptualize Islam.
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所想像的很不一樣，
12:09
It will be transformative of Islam as well.
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她亦會把伊斯蘭改變，
12:12
And as a result of this convergence,
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在融合之下，
12:15
this synthetic attempt to make sense of these two ideas together,
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在兩個概念拼組之下，
12:19
there's a real possibility that, instead of a clash
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結果很可能不是一場
12:22
of Islamic civilization -- if there is such a thing --
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伊斯蘭文明和民主文明的衝突－－
12:25
and democratic civilization -- if there is such a thing --
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如果有這些東西存在的話
12:27
we'll in fact have close compatibility.
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反而會是很親密的共存，
12:30
Now, I began with the war because it's the elephant in the room,
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我開始時談到戰爭，因為那是一個我們不能迴避的問題，
12:34
and you can't pretend that there isn't about to be a war
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我們不能假裝我們探討這些議題，
12:36
if you're talking about these issues.
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而能與戰爭無關，
12:38
The war has tremendous risks for the model that I'm describing
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在我解釋的模式中，戰爭帶出極大的危機，
12:41
because it's very possible that as a consequence of a war,
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因為很可能因為這場戰爭，
12:44
many Muslims will conclude that the United States
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很多回教徒會認為，
12:47
is not the kind of place that they want to emulate
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美國並不是他們在政治體制上
12:49
with respect to its forms of political government.
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想學習的地方，
12:52
On the other hand, there's a further possibility that many Americans,
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另一方面，有更大的可能，很多美國人
12:55
swept up in the fever of a war, will say, and feel, and think
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在戰爭的狂潮中，會說、會感到、會想：
13:00
that Islam is the enemy somehow --
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伊斯蘭是敵人，
13:02
that Islam ought to be construed as the enemy.
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伊斯蘭應該被定性為敵人，
13:05
And even though, for political tactical reasons,
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雖然，由於政治策略之故，
13:07
the president has been very, very good about saying that Islam is not the enemy,
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我們的總統很刻意地強調伊斯蘭不是敵人，
13:11
nonetheless, there's a natural impulse when one enters war
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無論如何，當我們進入戰爭，自然有衝動
13:14
to think of the other side as an enemy.
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去想對方是敵人，
13:16
And one furthermore has the impulse to generalize, as much as possible,
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並有衝動去把敵人的定義，
13:19
in defining who that enemy is.
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儘量的延伸開去，
13:21
So the risks are very great.
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所以那危機是很大的；
13:23
On the other hand, the capacities for positive results in the aftermath of a war
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另一方面，戰後可能帶來的良好後果，
13:30
are also not to be underestimated,
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也是不應被低估的，
13:32
even by, and I would say especially by, people
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尤其不應被那些
13:35
who are deeply skeptical about whether we should go to war in the first place.
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開始時對開戰很有保留的人所低估，
13:38
Those who oppose the war ought to realize that if a war happens,
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那些反戰的人應該明白，戰爭既然已成事實，
13:43
it cannot be the right strategy,
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當戰爭過後，
13:45
either pragmatically, or spiritually, or morally, to say after the war,
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在實際上、宗教上、道德上，都不能這樣說：
13:51
"Well, let's let it all run itself out, and play out however it wants to play out,
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「好了，讓我們放手讓她自生自滅，想這樣就怎樣，
13:54
because we opposed the war in the first place."
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因為開始時我們都說不好開戰的。」
13:56
That's not the way human circumstances operate.
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那不是人類社會的公理，
13:58
You face the circumstances you have in front of you
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你應面對眼前的處境，
14:00
and you go forward.
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然後向前走，
14:02
Well, what I'm here to say then is,
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好了，我在這裏想說的是，
14:04
for people who are skeptical about the war,
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對那些對戰爭有所懷疑的人，
14:06
it's especially important to recognize that in the aftermath of the war
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特別要留意在戰後，
14:09
there is a possibility for the government of the United States
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美國政府有可能
14:13
and the Muslim peoples with whom it interacts
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和那些和他們交往的回教徒，
14:16
to create real forms of government that are truly democratic
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會創造一種真正民主、真正伊斯蘭
14:19
and also truly Islamic.
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的政府模式，
14:21
And it is crucial -- it is crucial in a practical, activist way --
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而很決定性的是，無論在實際上、主動上，
14:25
for people who care about these issues to make sure
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那些關心這事的人，
14:29
that within the technology of democracy, in this system,
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努力的保證，在這個體制的民主機制中，
14:32
they exercise their preferences, their choices and their voices
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他們行使他們的喜好、選擇和聲音，
14:35
to encourage that outcome.
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去促進那發展成果，
14:37
That's a hopeful message,
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那是一個充滿希望的信息，
14:39
but it's a message that's hopeful only if you understand it
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但那需要你明白，我們所有人都分擔著很重大的任務，
14:41
as incurring serious obligation for all of us.
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才能感到的希望；
14:44
And I think that we are capable of taking on that obligation,
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而我想我們有能力擔起這個任務，
14:47
but only if we put what we can into it.
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但我們一定要盡己所能，
14:50
And if we do, then I don't think that the hope will be unwarranted altogether.
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若果我們能做到，那希望便很有機會達到。
14:54
Thanks.
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謝謝。
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholarNoah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law.
Why you should listen
Noah Feldman is a professor and writer who tries to figure out how to make the government follow the rules; what the rules are that the government has to follow; and what to do if the rules are being broken. In his work, he asks questions like: How can a 225-year-old constitutional blueprint still work? Can you design a new and better constitution from scratch in places like Iraq and Tunisia? What rights do we have, really?
Feldman is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and a contributing writer for Bloomberg View. He served as senior constitutional advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, and advised members of the Iraqi Governing Council on the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law or interim constitution. He is writing a biography on James Madison, principal author of the Constitution and fourth president of the US; it's forthcoming in 2017.
Feldman is the author of six other books: Cool War: The Future of Global Competition (Random House, 2013); Scorpions: The Battles and Triumphs of FDR’s Great Supreme Court Justices (Twelve Publishing, 2010); The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State (Princeton University Press, 2008); Divided By God: America's Church-State Problem and What We Should Do About It (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2005); What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation-building (Princeton University Press 2004) and After Jihad: America and the Struggle for Islamic Democracy (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2003. He most recently co-authored two textbooks: Constitutional Law, Eighteenth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013) and First Amendment Law, Fifth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013).
Noah Feldman | Speaker | TED.com