ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Kimberly Noble - Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development.

Why you should listen

Trained as a neuroscientist and board-certified pediatrician, Dr. Kimberly Noble has examined disparities in development and health across infancy, childhood and adolescence. She is currently an Associate Professor of Neuroscience and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, where she directs the Neurocognition, Early Experience and Development (NEED) Lab. She received her undergraduate, graduate and medical degrees at the University of Pennsylvania and was the recipient of the Association for Psychological Science Janet Taylor Spence Award for Transformative Early Career Contributions.

In collaboration with a multidisciplinary team of scientists from around the United States, Noble is co-directing the Baby's First Years study, the first clinical trial of poverty reduction to assess the causal impact of income on children's cognitive, emotional and brain development in the first three years of life. Her work has received worldwide attention in the popular press, including the Washington Post, The EconomistNewsweekThe GuardianLe Monde and NPR. A full list of her publications can be found here.

More profile about the speaker
Kimberly Noble | Speaker | TED.com
TED Salon: Education Everywhere

Kimberly Noble: How does income affect childhood brain development?

金柏莉‧諾柏: 家庭收入如何影響幼兒的大腦發育?

Filmed:
2,016,105 views

神經科學家及兒科醫師金柏莉‧諾柏,是「嬰兒的最初幾年」研究計畫的領導人:這是前所未有的隨機研究,目標在探究家庭收入是否會改變孩子的認知和情緒發展,及大腦發育。她想要了解:是否能透過直接提供金錢給其家庭,來協助貧窮的孩子?諾柏說:「『嬰兒的腦並非宿命』:如果幼兒的大腦可以改變,那麼任何事情都有可能了。」
- Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
What I'm about to share分享 with you
are findings發現 from a study研究
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我打算跟各位分享一項研究的發現,
00:16
of the brains大腦 of more than 1,000
children孩子 and adolescents青少年.
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該研究探索了超過一千名
孩童與青少年的大腦。
00:20
Now, these were children孩子
who were recruited應徵
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這些孩子是從美國各地
00:22
from diverse多種 homes家園
around the United聯合的 States狀態,
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不同家庭招募而來的,
00:24
and this picture圖片 is an average平均
of all of their brains大腦.
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這張圖是根據所有大腦資料
得到的平均圖像。
這個平均大腦的正面
是在你的左邊,
00:28
The front面前 of this average平均 brain
is on your left
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大腦的後部是在你的右邊。
00:30
and the back of this average平均 brain
is on your right.
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00:33
Now, one of the things
we were very interested有興趣 in
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我們非常感興趣的一個主題,
00:35
was the surface表面 area
of the cerebral顱內 cortex皮質,
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是大腦皮質的表面面積,
00:38
or the thin, wrinkly layer
on the outer surface表面 of the brain
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就是位於大腦表面又薄又皺的那層,
00:41
that does most
of the cognitive認知 heavy lifting吊裝.
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負責處理大部分繁重的認知工作。
00:46
And that's because past過去 work
by other scientists科學家們 has suggested建議
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那是因為過去
其他科學家的研究顯示,
00:49
that in many許多 cases,
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在許多案例中,
00:51
a larger cortical皮質 surface表面 area
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皮質表面面積越大,
00:53
is often經常 associated相關
with higher更高 intelligence情報.
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通常和較高的智力有關。
00:57
Now, in this study研究, we found發現 one factor因子
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在我們的研究中,發現了一個因素,
01:00
that was associated相關
with the cortical皮質 surface表面 area
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幾乎和整個大腦的皮質表層有關。
01:02
across橫過 nearly幾乎 the entire整個
surface表面 of the brain.
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01:07
That factor因子 was family家庭 income收入.
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那個因素,就是家庭的收入。
在這裡的每一個顏色點,
都表示較高家庭收入的兒童
01:12
Now, here, every一切 point you see in color顏色
is a point where higher更高 family家庭 income收入
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皮質層面積增大的地方。
01:16
was associated相關 with a larger
cortical皮質 surface表面 area in that spot.
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01:21
And there were some regions地區,
shown顯示 here in yellow黃色,
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這裡有些區域是黃色,
01:24
where that association協會
was particularly尤其 pronounced宣判.
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表示相關程度特別顯著。
01:27
And those are regions地區 that we know support支持
a certain某些 set of cognitive認知 skills技能:
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那些區域是支援某些認知技能:
01:31
language語言 skills技能
like vocabulary詞彙 and reading
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語言能力,比如詞彙和閱讀、
01:35
as well as the ability能力
to avoid避免 distraction娛樂
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避免分心
01:37
and exert發揮 self-control自我控制.
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及自我控制的能力。
01:39
And that's important重要,
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這一點很重要,
01:41
because those are the very skills技能
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因為就是這些技能,
01:43
that children孩子 living活的 in poverty貧窮
are most likely容易 to struggle鬥爭 with.
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是生活在貧困的孩子最掙扎的地方。
01:47
In fact事實, a child兒童 living活的 with poverty貧窮
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事實上,生活在貧困的孩子,
01:50
is likely容易 to perform演出 worse更差 on tests測試
of language語言 and impulse衝動 control控制
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甚至在兩歲前,就可能在語言
和自我控制能力的測試中表現較差。
01:54
before they even turn two.
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01:58
Now, there are a few少數 points
I'd like to highlight突出 about this study研究.
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關於這項研究,我有幾點想要強調。
02:01
Number one:
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第一:
02:02
this link鏈接 between之間 family家庭 income收入
and children's兒童 brain structure結構體
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孩子的大腦結構
和家庭收入之間的關聯,
02:06
was strongest最強 at the lowest最低 income收入 levels水平.
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在收入最低的族群中表現最明顯。
02:09
So that means手段 that dollar美元 for dollar美元,
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這意味著,一分錢一分貨,
02:11
relatively相對 small differences分歧
in family家庭 income收入
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即使家庭收入的差異只有一點點,
02:13
were associated相關 with proportionately按比例
greater更大 differences分歧 in brain structure結構體
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對處境最不利的家庭,
此差異對大腦結構的影響更大。
02:17
among其中 the most disadvantaged劣勢 families家庭.
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02:20
And intuitively直觀地, that makes品牌 sense, right?
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直覺上是很合理,對吧?
02:22
An extra額外 20,000 dollars美元 for a family家庭
earning盈利, say, 150,000 dollars美元 a year
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舉例來說,多賺兩萬美金,
對一個年收入十五萬美金的家庭
02:26
would certainly當然 be nice不錯,
but probably大概 not game-changing改變遊戲規則,
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當然很棒,但不至於帶來重大改變,
相對的,這額外的兩萬美金
對於一年只賺兩萬美金的家庭來說,
02:30
whereas an extra額外 20,000 dollars美元
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02:32
for a family家庭 only earning盈利
20,000 dollars美元 a year
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02:35
would likely容易 make a remarkable卓越 difference區別
in their day-to-day日復一日 lives生活.
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就可以為他們的日常生活
帶來顯著的差異。
02:39
Now, the second第二 point
I'd like to highlight突出
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我想要強調的第二點是,
02:41
is that this link鏈接 between之間 family家庭 income收入
and children's兒童 brain structure結構體
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家庭收入和孩童
大腦結構之間的關係,
02:45
didn't depend依靠 on the children's兒童 age年齡,
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並不取決於孩童的年齡、
02:47
it didn't depend依靠 on their sex性別
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性別、
02:50
and it didn't depend依靠
on their race種族 or ethnicity種族.
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和種族或人種。
02:53
And the final最後 point --
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這最後一點——
是關鍵——
02:55
and this one's那些 key --
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02:56
there was tremendous巨大 variability變化性
from one child兒童 to the next下一個,
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孩子與孩子之間都有很大的差異,
03:01
by which哪一個 I mean there were plenty豐富
of children孩子 from higher-income高收入 homes家園
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我的意思是,有不少
來自較高收入家庭的孩子
有較少的大腦表面,
03:04
with smaller brain surfaces
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03:06
and plenty豐富 of children孩子
from lower-income低收入 homes家園
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也有不少來自較低收入家庭的孩子
03:09
with larger brain surfaces.
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有較大的大腦表面。
03:11
Here's這裡的 an analogy比喻.
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打個比喻:
03:12
We all know that in childhood童年,
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我們都知道,
童年期間男孩通常會比女孩高,
03:14
boys男孩 tend趨向 to be taller than girls女孩,
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03:17
but go into any elementary初級
school學校 classroom課堂,
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但在任何小學教室中,
03:19
and you'll你會 find some girls女孩
who are taller than some boys男孩.
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你都會發現有些女孩比男孩高。
03:23
So while growing生長 up in poverty貧窮
is certainly當然 a risk風險 factor因子
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所以,在貧困家庭長大
的確是一個風險因子,
會有較小的大腦表面,
03:26
for a smaller brain surface表面,
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03:28
in no way can I know an individual個人
child's孩子的 family家庭 income收入
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但我絕不能就著
任何一位孩子的家庭收入,
03:32
and know with any accuracy準確性
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精確知道某個孩子的大腦
會是怎樣的。
03:33
what that particular特定 child's孩子的 brain
would look like.
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03:37
I want you to imagine想像,
for a moment時刻, two children孩子.
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請各位想像一下,有兩個孩子。
03:40
One is a young年輕 child兒童
born天生 into poverty貧窮 in America美國;
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都出生在美國,一個在貧窮家庭,
03:42
the other is also an American美國 child兒童,
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另一位幸運地,
03:45
but one who was born天生
into more fortunate幸運 circumstances情況.
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在較富裕家庭。
03:49
Now, at birth分娩, we find
absolutely絕對 no differences分歧
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在出生時,我們完全找不到
他們的大腦運作上有什麼差別。
03:53
in how their brains大腦 work.
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03:56
But by the time those two kids孩子
are ready準備 to start開始 kindergarten幼兒園,
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但當兩個孩子進入幼稚園時,
03:59
we know that the child兒童 living活的 in poverty貧窮
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我們知道來自貧窮家庭的孩子,
04:01
is likely容易 to have cognitive認知 scores分數
that are, on average平均, 60 percent百分 lower降低
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在認知測驗的平均分數上,
有可能比富裕家庭的
孩子要低 60%。
04:06
than those of the other child兒童.
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04:09
Later後來 on, that child兒童 living活的 in poverty貧窮
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後來,貧窮家庭的孩子
04:11
will be five times more likely容易
to drop下降 out of high school學校,
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在高中休學的機會,
很可能是五倍之高,
04:14
and if she does graduate畢業 high school學校,
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如果她真的從高中畢業了,
04:16
she'll貝殼 be less likely容易 to earn
a college學院 degree.
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也不太可能拿到大學學位。
04:20
By the time those two kids孩子
are 35 years年份 old,
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當兩個孩子三十五歲時,
04:23
if the first child兒童 spent花費
her entire整個 childhood童年 living活的 in poverty貧窮,
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如果第一個孩子的整個童年
都是在貧窮中渡過,
04:27
she is up to 75 times
more likely容易 to be poor較差的 herself她自己.
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長大後過著貧窮生活的機會,
就有七十五倍之高。
04:34
But it doesn't have to be that way.
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但這是可以改變的。
04:36
As a neuroscientist神經學家, one of things
I find most exciting扣人心弦 about the human人的 brain
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我作為神經科學家,
最讓我感到興奮的一點,
04:41
is that our experiences經驗 change更改 our brains大腦.
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就是我們的經驗會改變我們的大腦。
04:45
Now, this concept概念,
known已知 as neuroplasticity神經可塑性,
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這個概念就是神經可塑性,
04:49
means手段 that these differences分歧
in children's兒童 brain structure結構體
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意謂孩子大腦結構的差異,
04:52
don't doom厄運 a child兒童
to a life of low achievement成就.
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並不限制孩子將來的成就。
04:55
The brain is not destiny命運.
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嬰兒的腦並非宿命。
04:59
And if a child's孩子的 brain can be changed,
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如果孩子的大腦可以被重塑,
05:01
then anything is possible可能.
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那麼任何事都有可能發生。
05:04
As a society社會, we spend billions數十億 of dollars美元
each year, educating教育 our children孩子.
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我們社會為教育孩子每年
要花數十億美元。
05:09
So what can we tell schools學校,
teachers教師 and parents父母
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那麼我們又如何讓老師和父母,
05:12
who want to help support支持 kids孩子
from disadvantaged劣勢 backgrounds背景
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能支援弱勢背景的孩童,
在學校與人生發揮最大的潛力呢?
05:15
to do their best最好 in school學校 and in life?
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05:17
Well, emerging新興 science科學 suggests提示
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新興科學指出,
05:19
that growing生長 up in poverty貧窮 is associated相關
with a host主辦 of different不同 experiences經驗
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在貧困家庭中長大的孩子,
伴隨著許多不同的經歷,
05:24
and that these experiences經驗
in turn may可能 work together一起
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這些綜合的經驗,
05:26
to help shape形狀 brain development發展
and ultimately最終 help kids孩子 learn學習.
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促進大腦的發育,
並最終幫助孩子們學習。
若這些是事實,就會帶出一個問題:
05:30
And so if this is right,
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05:31
it begs乞求 the question:
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在孩童學習路途上,
從何處可介入提供協助呢?
05:32
Where along沿 this pathway
can we step in and provide提供 help?
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我們先來思考一下,從學習
本身的層級來進行干預——
05:36
So let's consider考慮 first intervening介入
at the level水平 of learning學習 itself本身 --
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05:39
most commonly常用 through通過
school-based校本 initiatives倡議.
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最常見是透過學校為基礎來進行。
05:42
Now, should we be encouraging鼓舞人心的 teachers教師
to focus焦點 on the kinds of skills技能
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我們應該鼓勵老師要把焦點放在
05:45
that disadvantaged劣勢 kids孩子
are most likely容易 to struggle鬥爭 with?
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弱勢兒童最可能掙扎的技能嗎?
05:48
Of course課程.
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當然是這樣。
05:49
The importance重要性 of high-quality高質量 education教育
based基於 in scientific科學 evidence證據
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科學證據顯示,高品質教育的重要性
的確非常大。
05:53
really can't be overstated誇大.
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05:54
And there are a number of examples例子
of excellent優秀 interventions干預措施
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有一些關於優秀的介入的例子,
05:57
targeting針對 things like literacy讀寫能力
or self-regulation自我調節
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是針對讀寫能力或自律等目標,
06:00
that do in fact事實 improve提高 kids'孩子們 cognitive認知
development發展 and their test測試 scores分數.
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實際上可以改善孩童的
認知能力和測驗分數。
06:04
But as any intervention介入 scientist科學家
doing this work would tell you,
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就如許多進行這類
介入做法的科學家所言,
06:08
this work is challenging具有挑戰性的.
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這類工作充滿挑戰性。
06:09
It's hard to implement實行 high-quality高質量,
evidence-based循證 education教育.
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很難實現高品質的循證教育。
06:12
And it can be labor-intensive勞動密集型,
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因為它可能是勞動密集型的,
有時成本也很高。
06:14
it's sometimes有時 costly昂貴.
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06:16
And in many許多 cases, these disparities差距
in child兒童 development發展 emerge出現 early --
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而且在很多情況下,這些差距
在兒童發育早期出現——
06:20
well before the start開始
of formal正式 schooling教育 --
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在正規教育開始之先——
06:22
sometimes有時 when kids孩子 are just toddlers幼兒.
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有時甚至還在學步時期就開始了。
06:25
And so I would argue爭論:
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所以,我認為:
06:27
school學校 is very important重要,
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學校很重要,
06:29
but if we're focusing調焦
all of our policy政策 efforts努力
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但如果我們只集中資源於
常規教育政策之上,
06:32
on formal正式 schooling教育,
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06:33
we're probably大概 starting開始 too late晚了.
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我們很可能起步得太晚了。
06:36
So what about taking服用 a step back
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因此,是否該退一步想想,
06:39
and focusing調焦 on trying to change更改
children's兒童 experiences經驗?
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應該專注於嘗試改變孩子的經歷?
06:42
What particular特定 experiences經驗
are associated相關 with growing生長 up in poverty貧窮
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在貧困中成長有哪些特殊的經歷,
06:46
and might威力 be able能夠 to be targeted針對
to promote促進 brain development發展
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可能成為促進大腦發育
和學習成果的目標?
06:48
and learning學習 outcomes結果 for kids孩子?
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06:50
Of course課程, there are many許多, right?
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當然,有許多經驗都符合,對吧?
06:52
Nutrition營養, access訪問 to health健康 care關心,
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營養、獲得醫療保健、
06:56
exposure曝光 to second-hand二手 smoke抽煙 or lead,
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接觸二手煙或鉛、
06:59
experience經驗 of stress強調 or discrimination區別,
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遭受壓力或歧視,
07:01
to name名稱 a few少數.
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都只是少部分例子。
07:03
In my laboratory實驗室,
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在我的實驗室裡,
我們特別關注幾種類型的體驗,
07:04
we're particularly尤其 focused重點
on a few少數 types類型 of experiences經驗
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07:07
that we believe may可能 be able能夠 to be targeted針對
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是我們認為可以成為目標
07:10
to promote促進 children's兒童 brain development發展
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促進兒童的大腦發育,
07:12
and ultimately最終 improve提高
their learning學習 outcomes結果.
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並最終改善他們的學習成果。
07:15
As one example,
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用我所謂的家庭語言環境為例,
07:16
take something I'll call
the home language語言 environment環境,
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意思是,我們知道孩子
聽到的單詞數量,
07:19
by which哪一個 I mean, we know
that the number of words kids孩子 hear
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07:23
and the number of conversations對話
they're engaged訂婚 in every一切 day
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以及他們每天參與的談話次數,
07:26
can vary變化 tremendously異常.
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可以變化很大。
07:28
By some estimates估計,
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據估計,
07:29
kids孩子 from more advantaged優勢 backgrounds背景
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來自有優勢背景的孩子們
07:31
hear an average平均 of 30 million百萬
more spoken words
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在生命的最初幾年,平均多聽
3,000 萬個口語單詞,
07:34
in the first few少數 years年份 of life
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與來自弱勢的孩子相比。
07:36
compared相比 to kids孩子 from less
advantaged優勢 backgrounds背景.
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07:39
Now, in our work, we're finding發現
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我們的研究發現,
07:41
that kids孩子 who experience經驗
more back-and-forth來來回回,
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那些經歷過更多
來回應答會話的孩子,
07:44
responsive響應 conversational對話的 turns
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07:46
tend趨向 to have a larger brain surface表面
in parts部分 of the brain
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會在我們所知負責語言和閱讀技能的
大腦部位產生較大的表面積。
07:49
that we know are responsible主管
for language語言 and reading skills技能.
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07:53
And in fact事實, the number
of conversations對話 they hear
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事實上,他們所聽到的談話次數
07:55
seems似乎 to matter a little bit more
than the sheer絕對 number of words they hear.
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似乎比他們所聽到的
單詞數量更重要一些。
08:00
So one tantalizing誘人 possibility可能性
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有一個誘引人的選擇是,
08:02
is that we should be teaching教學 parents父母
not just to talk a lot,
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我們應該教父母不僅僅是說話,
08:05
but to actually其實 have more conversations對話
with their children孩子.
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實際上要和孩子們進行更多的對話。
08:08
In this way, it's possible可能
that we'll promote促進 brain development發展
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這樣,可能會促進孩子的大腦發育,
08:11
and perhaps也許 their kids'孩子們 language語言
and reading skills技能.
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並幫助他們的語言和閱讀技巧。
08:15
And in fact事實, a number
of scientists科學家們 are testing測試
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事實上,許多科學家正在測試
08:17
that exciting扣人心弦 possibility可能性 right now.
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那令人興奮的可能性。
08:20
But of course課程, we all know
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當然我們都知道,
孩子在貧困中成長,
還會有許多不同的經歷,
08:21
that growing生長 up in poverty貧窮 is associated相關
with lots of different不同 experiences經驗
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不僅是與父母有多少次談話。
08:24
beyond just how many許多
conversations對話 kids孩子 are having.
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08:27
So how do we choose選擇 what else其他 to focus焦點 on?
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那麼又如何選擇聚焦於那些呢?
08:30
The list名單 can be overwhelming壓倒.
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這份清單可能長得驚人。
08:32
There are a number
of high-quality高質量 interventions干預措施
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有許多高品質的介入方式
08:35
that do try to change更改
children's兒童 experience經驗,
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試圖改變孩子的經歷,
08:37
many許多 of which哪一個 are quite相當 effective有效.
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當中有許多都很有效。
08:39
But again, just like
school-based校本 initiatives倡議,
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但同樣,就像校本倡議一樣
08:41
this is hard work.
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是項艱苦工作。
08:43
It can be challenging具有挑戰性的,
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工作可能具有挑戰性,
或是勞動密集型,
08:44
it can be labor-intensive勞動密集型,
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08:45
sometimes有時 costly昂貴 ...
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有時代價也很高……
08:48
and on occasion場合,
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且,偶爾,
08:49
it can be somewhat有些 patronizing光顧
for scientists科學家們 to swoop落下 in
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科學家們有點屈尊要蜂擁到訪,
08:52
and tell a family家庭 what they need to change更改
in order訂購 for their child兒童 to succeed成功.
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告訴家人需要改變那些
才能讓孩子成功。
08:57
So I want to share分享 an idea理念 with you.
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所以我想跟大家分享一個想法。
09:01
What if we tried試著 to help
young年輕 children孩子 in poverty貧窮
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要試圖幫助貧困幼兒要怎麼辦呢?
09:05
by simply只是 giving
their families家庭 more money?
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僅僅是給他家人更多的錢?
09:10
I'm privileged特權 to be working加工
with a team球隊 of economists經濟學家,
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我很幸運和一群經濟學家、
09:12
social社會 policy政策 experts專家 and neuroscientists神經學家
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社會政策專家和神經科學家合作,
09:14
in leading領導 Baby's嬰兒 First Years年份,
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在「嬰兒的最初幾年」,
09:16
the first-ever史無前例​​的 randomized隨機 study研究
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第一次隨機研究
09:19
to test測試 whether是否 poverty貧窮 reduction減少 causes原因
changes變化 in children's兒童 brain development發展.
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測試改善貧窮是否會導致
兒童大腦發育的改變。
09:25
Now, the ambition志向 of the study研究 is large,
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這項研究的野心很大,
09:27
but the premise前提 is actually其實 quite相當 simple簡單.
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但前提條件其實很簡單。
在 2018 年五月,
我們開始招募 1000 名
09:30
In May可能 of 2018,
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09:31
we began開始 recruiting招聘 1,000 mothers母親
living活的 below下面 the federal聯邦 poverty貧窮 line
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生活在美國貧困線以下
09:35
shortly不久 after they gave birth分娩
in a number of American美國 hospitals醫院.
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在醫院分娩後不久的母親。
09:40
Upon enrolling招生 in our study研究,
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她們參加研究後,
09:41
all mothers母親 receive接收
an unconditional無條件的 monthly每月一次 cash現金 gift禮品
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所有母親都會收到
無條件的每月現金禮物,
09:45
for the first 40 months個月
of their children's兒童 lives生活,
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在孩子生命的最初 40 個月裡
09:48
and they're free自由 to use this money
however然而 they like.
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隨意使用。
09:52
But importantly重要的,
mothers母親 are being存在 randomized隨機,
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但重要的是,母親們會被隨機分配,
09:55
so some mothers母親 are randomized隨機
to receive接收 a nominal公稱 monthly每月一次 cash現金 gift禮品
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有獲得象徵性的每月現金禮物,
10:00
and others其他 are randomized隨機 to receive接收
several一些 hundred dollars美元 each month,
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也有獲得每月數百美元,
是足夠大的金額
會讓他們的日常生活產生變化,
10:04
an amount that we believe is large enough足夠
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10:06
to make a difference區別
in their day-to-day日復一日 lives生活,
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在多數情況下,能讓她們月入
增加 20% ~ 25%。
10:08
in most cases increasing增加
their monthly每月一次 income收入 by 20 to 25 percent百分.
206
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10:13
So in this way,
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這樣,
10:14
we're hoping希望 to finally最後 move移動
past過去 questions問題
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我們希望最終能夠解決
10:17
of how poverty貧窮 is correlated相關
with child兒童 development發展
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貧困與兒童的發展關係問題,
10:21
and actually其實 be able能夠 to test測試
whether是否 reducing減少 poverty貧窮 causes原因 changes變化
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並且能夠測試減輕貧困是否會導致
10:25
in children's兒童 cognitive認知, emotional情緒化
and brain development發展
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兒童認知、情感和大腦發育的改變,
10:28
in the first three years年份 of life --
212
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在生命的最初三年 ——
10:31
the very time when we believe
213
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這三年是我們認為
10:32
the developing發展 brain may可能 be
most malleable可鍛鑄 to experience經驗.
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發展中的大腦最具可塑性的時期。
10:37
Now, we won't慣於 have definitive明確 results結果
from this study研究 for several一些 years年份,
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這項研究要幾年後才有確切的成果,
10:41
and if nothing else其他,
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如果不如預期,
10:42
1,000 newborns新生兒 and their moms媽媽
will have a bit more cash現金 each month
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至少每月有 1,000 名新生兒
及其媽媽獲得分派
10:45
that they tell us they very much need.
218
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一些她們非常需要的額外現金。
10:48
But what if it turns out
that a cost-effective經濟有效 way
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如果結果顯示,
若要協助貧窮的幼兒,
10:51
to help young年輕 children孩子 in poverty貧窮
220
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最有成本效益的方式就是
10:54
is to simply只是 give their moms媽媽 more money?
221
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單純拿錢給他們的母親,
那該怎麼辦?
10:58
If our hypotheses假設 are borne得緊 out,
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如果我們的假設成立,
11:00
it's our hope希望 that results結果 from this work
will inform通知 debates辯論 about social社會 services服務
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希望能透過這項研究的成果,
將為社會服務辯論提供
11:05
that have the potential潛在 to effect影響 millions百萬
of families家庭 with young年輕 children孩子.
224
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有可能影響數百萬幼兒家庭的助證。
11:09
Because while income收入 may可能 not be the only
or even the most important重要 factor因子
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儘管收入未必是唯一,
甚至是最重要的因素,
11:13
in determining決定 children's兒童
brain development發展,
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影響幼兒的大腦發育,
11:16
it may可能 be one that,
227
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但可能是一個
11:17
from a policy政策 perspective透視,
228
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從政策角度很容易解決的問題。
11:19
can be easily容易 addressed解決.
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11:22
Put simply只是,
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簡言之,
11:23
if we can show顯示 that reducing減少 poverty貧窮
changes變化 how children's兒童 brains大腦 develop發展
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如果我們能夠證明改善貧窮
就能夠改變孩子的大腦發展,
11:28
and that leads引線 to meaningful富有意義的
policy政策 changes變化,
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因此導致有意義的政策改變,
11:32
then a young年輕 child兒童 born天生 into poverty貧窮 today今天
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那麼,現今在貧窮家庭中出生的孩子
11:35
may可能 have a much better shot射擊
at a brighter光明 future未來.
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就可能會擁有更光明的未來。
11:39
Thank you.
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謝謝。
11:40
(Applause掌聲)
236
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(掌聲)
Translated by Lilian Chiu
Reviewed by Thomas Tam

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Kimberly Noble - Neuroscientist, pediatrician
Kimberly Noble, MD, PhD, studies how socioeconomic inequality relates to children's cognitive and brain development.

Why you should listen

Trained as a neuroscientist and board-certified pediatrician, Dr. Kimberly Noble has examined disparities in development and health across infancy, childhood and adolescence. She is currently an Associate Professor of Neuroscience and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, where she directs the Neurocognition, Early Experience and Development (NEED) Lab. She received her undergraduate, graduate and medical degrees at the University of Pennsylvania and was the recipient of the Association for Psychological Science Janet Taylor Spence Award for Transformative Early Career Contributions.

In collaboration with a multidisciplinary team of scientists from around the United States, Noble is co-directing the Baby's First Years study, the first clinical trial of poverty reduction to assess the causal impact of income on children's cognitive, emotional and brain development in the first three years of life. Her work has received worldwide attention in the popular press, including the Washington Post, The EconomistNewsweekThe GuardianLe Monde and NPR. A full list of her publications can be found here.

More profile about the speaker
Kimberly Noble | Speaker | TED.com

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