TED2019
Phillip Atiba Goff: How we can make racism a solvable problem -- and improve policing
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When we define racism as behaviors instead of feelings, we can measure it -- and transform it from an impossible problem into a solvable one, says justice scientist Phillip Atiba Goff. In an actionable talk, he shares his work at the Center for Policing Equity, an organization that helps police departments diagnose and track racial gaps in policing in order to eliminate them. Learn more about their data-driven approach -- and how you can get involved with the work that still needs to be done. (This ambitious plan is part of the Audacious Project, TED's initiative to inspire and fund global change.)
Phillip Atiba Goff - Justice scientist
Phillip Atiba Goff works with police departments to help public safety become more equitable and less deadly. Full bio
Phillip Atiba Goff works with police departments to help public safety become more equitable and less deadly. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:13
When people meet me
for the first time on my job,
for the first time on my job,
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they often feel inspired to share
a revelation they've had about me,
a revelation they've had about me,
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and it kind of goes something like this.
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"Hey, I know why police chiefs
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like to share their deep,
dark secrets with you.
dark secrets with you.
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Phil, with your PhD in psychology,
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and your shiny bald head,
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you're basically
the Black Dr. Phil, right?"
the Black Dr. Phil, right?"
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(Laughter)
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And for each and every person
who's ever said that to me
who's ever said that to me
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I do want to say thank you
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because that was the first time
I ever heard that joke.
I ever heard that joke.
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(Laughter)
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But for everybody else,
I really hope you'll believe me
I really hope you'll believe me
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when I tell you no police chief
likes talking to me
likes talking to me
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because they think
I'm a clinical psychologist.
I'm a clinical psychologist.
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And also I'm not.
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I have no idea what your mother
did to you, and I can't help.
did to you, and I can't help.
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(Laughter)
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Police chiefs like talking to me
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because I'm an expert on a problem
that feels impossible for them to solve:
that feels impossible for them to solve:
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01:01
racism in their profession.
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01:03
Now my expertise
comes from being a scientist
comes from being a scientist
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who studies how our minds learn
to associate Blackness and crime
to associate Blackness and crime
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and misperceive Black children
as older than they actually are.
as older than they actually are.
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01:13
It also comes from studying
actual police behavior,
actual police behavior,
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which is how I know that every year,
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about one in five adults
in the United States
in the United States
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has contact with law enforcement.
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Out of those, about a million
are targeted for police use of force.
are targeted for police use of force.
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And if you're Black,
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you're two to four times more likely
to be targeted for that force
to be targeted for that force
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than if you're white.
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But it also comes from knowing
what those statistics feel like.
what those statistics feel like.
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I've experienced the fear
of seeing an officer unclip their gun
of seeing an officer unclip their gun
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and the panic of realizing that someone
might mistake my 13-year-old godson
might mistake my 13-year-old godson
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as old enough to be a threat.
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So when a police chief,
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or a pastor,
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or an imam, or a mother --
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when they call me after an officer
shoots another unarmed Black child,
shoots another unarmed Black child,
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I understand a bit
of the pain in their voice.
of the pain in their voice.
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It's the pain of a heart breaking
when it fails to solve a deadly problem.
when it fails to solve a deadly problem.
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Breaking from trying to do something
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that feels simultaneously
necessary and impossible.
necessary and impossible.
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The way trying to fix
racism usually feels.
racism usually feels.
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Necessary and impossible.
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So, police chiefs like talking to me
because I'm an expert,
because I'm an expert,
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but I doubt they'd be lining up
to lie down on Dr. Phil's couch
to lie down on Dr. Phil's couch
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if I told them all their
problems were hopeless.
problems were hopeless.
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All of my research,
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and the decade of work
I've done with my center --
I've done with my center --
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the Center for Policing Equity --
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actually leads me to a hopeful conclusion
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amidst all the heartbreak
of race in America,
of race in America,
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which is this:
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trying to solve racism feels impossible
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because our definition of racism
makes it impossible --
makes it impossible --
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but it doesn't have to be that way.
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So here's what I mean.
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The most common definition of racism
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is that racist behaviors are the product
of contaminated hearts and minds.
of contaminated hearts and minds.
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When you listen to the way we talk
about trying to cure racism,
about trying to cure racism,
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you'll hear it.
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"We need to stamp out hatred.
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We need to combat ignorance," right?
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It's hearts and minds.
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Now the only problem with that definition
is that it's completely wrong --
is that it's completely wrong --
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both scientifically and otherwise.
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One of the foundational insights
of social psychology
of social psychology
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is that attitudes are
very weak predictors of behaviors,
very weak predictors of behaviors,
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but more importantly than that,
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no Black community
has ever taken to the streets
has ever taken to the streets
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to demand that white people
would love us more.
would love us more.
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Communities march to stop the killing,
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because racism
is about behaviors, not feelings.
is about behaviors, not feelings.
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And even when civil rights leaders
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like King and Fannie Lou Hamer
used the language of love,
used the language of love,
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the racism they fought,
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that was segregation and brutality.
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It's actions over feelings.
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And every one of
those leaders would agree,
those leaders would agree,
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if a definition of racism
makes it harder to see
makes it harder to see
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the injuries racism causes,
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that's not just wrong.
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A definition that cares
about the intentions of abusers
about the intentions of abusers
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more than the harms to the abused --
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that definition of racism is racist.
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But when we change the definition
of racism from attitudes to behaviors,
of racism from attitudes to behaviors,
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we transform that problem
from impossible to solvable.
from impossible to solvable.
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04:16
Because you can measure behaviors.
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And when you can measure a problem,
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you can tap into one of the only
universal rules of organizational success.
universal rules of organizational success.
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You've got a problem or a goal,
you measure it,
you measure it,
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you hold yourself accountable
to that metric.
to that metric.
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So if every other organization
measures success this way,
measures success this way,
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why can't we do that in policing?
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It turns out we actually already do.
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Police departments already practice
data-driven accountability,
data-driven accountability,
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it's just for crime.
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The vast majority of police departments
across the United States
across the United States
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use a system called CompStat.
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It's a process that,
when you use it right,
when you use it right,
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it identifies crime data,
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it tracks it and identifies patterns,
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and then it allows departments
to hold themselves accountable
to hold themselves accountable
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to public safety goals.
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It usually works either by directing
police attentions and police resources,
police attentions and police resources,
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or changing police behavior
once they show up.
once they show up.
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So if I see a string of muggings
in that neighborhood,
in that neighborhood,
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I'm going to want to increase
patrols in that neighborhood.
patrols in that neighborhood.
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If I see a spike in homicides,
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I'm going to want to talk
to the community to find out why
to the community to find out why
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and collaborate on changes on police
behavior to tamp down the violence.
behavior to tamp down the violence.
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Now when you define racism
in terms of measurable behaviors,
in terms of measurable behaviors,
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you can do the same thing.
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You can create a CompStat for justice.
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That's exactly what the Center
for Policing Equity has been doing.
for Policing Equity has been doing.
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So let me tell you how that works.
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After a police department invites us in,
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we handle the legal stuff,
we engage with the community,
we engage with the community,
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our next step is to analyze their data.
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The goal of these analyses is to determine
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how much do crime, poverty,
neighborhood demographics
neighborhood demographics
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predict, let's say, police use of force?
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Let's say that those factors predict
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police will use force
on this many Black people.
on this many Black people.
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There?
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So our next question is,
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how many Black people
actually are targeted
actually are targeted
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for police use of force?
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Let's say it's this many.
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So what's up with the gap?
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Well, a big portion of the gap
is the difference
is the difference
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between what's predicted
by things police can't control
by things police can't control
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and what's predicted
by things police can control --
by things police can control --
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their policies and their behaviors.
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And what we're looking for
are the types of contact
are the types of contact
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or the areas in the city
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where that gap is biggest,
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because then we can tell our partners,
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"Look here. Solve this problem first."
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It's actually the kind of therapy
police chiefs can get behind,
police chiefs can get behind,
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because there is nothing so inspiring
in the face of our history of racism
in the face of our history of racism
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as a solvable problem.
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Look, if the community in Minneapolis
asked their police department
asked their police department
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to remedy the moral failings
of race in policing,
of race in policing,
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I'm not sure they know how to do that.
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But if instead the community says,
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"Hey, you're data say you're beating up
a lot of homeless folks.
a lot of homeless folks.
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You want to knock that off?"
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That's something police
can learn how to do.
can learn how to do.
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And they did.
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So in 2015, the Minneapolis PD let us know
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their community was concerned
they were using force too often.
they were using force too often.
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So we showed them
how to leverage their own data
how to leverage their own data
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to identify situations
where force could be avoided.
where force could be avoided.
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And when you look at those data,
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you'll see that a disproportionate number
of their use-of-force incidents,
of their use-of-force incidents,
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they involved somebody who's homeless,
in mental distress,
in mental distress,
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has a substance abuse issue
or some combination of all three --
or some combination of all three --
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more than you expect
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based on those factors
I was just telling you about.
I was just telling you about.
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So right there's the gap.
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Next question is why.
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Well, it turns out homeless folks
often need services.
often need services.
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And when those services are unavailable,
when they can't get their meds,
when they can't get their meds,
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they lose their spot in the shelter,
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they're more likely to engage in behaviors
that end up with folks calling the cops.
that end up with folks calling the cops.
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And when the cops show up,
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they're more likely
to resist intervention,
to resist intervention,
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oftentimes because they haven't
actually done anything illegal,
actually done anything illegal,
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they're literally just living outside.
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The problem wasn't a need to train
officers differently in Minneapolis.
officers differently in Minneapolis.
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The problem was the fact
that folks were using the cops
that folks were using the cops
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to "treat" substance abuse
and homelessness in the first place.
and homelessness in the first place.
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So the city of Minneapolis found a way
to deliver social services
to deliver social services
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and city resources
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to the homeless community
before anybody ever called the cops.
before anybody ever called the cops.
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(Applause)
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Now the problem isn't
always homelessness, right?
always homelessness, right?
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Sometimes the problem is
fear of immigration enforcement,
fear of immigration enforcement,
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like it was in Salt Lake City,
or it is in Houston,
or it is in Houston,
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where the chiefs had to come forward
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and say, "We're not going
to deport you just for calling 911."
to deport you just for calling 911."
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Or the problem is foot pursuits,
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like it was in Las Vegas,
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where they had to train their officers
to slow down and take a breath
to slow down and take a breath
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instead of allowing the adrenaline
in that situation to escalate it.
in that situation to escalate it.
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It's searches in Oakland;
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it's pulling folks
out of cars in San Jose;
out of cars in San Jose;
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it's the way that they patrol
the neighborhoods
the neighborhoods
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that make up Zone 3 in Pittsburgh
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and the Black neighborhoods
closest to the waterfront in Baltimore.
closest to the waterfront in Baltimore.
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But in each city,
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if we can give them a solvable problem,
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they get busy solving it.
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And together our partners have seen
an average of 25 percent fewer arrests,
an average of 25 percent fewer arrests,
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fewer use-of-force incidents
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and 13 percent fewer
officer-related injuries.
officer-related injuries.
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Essentially, by identifying
the biggest gaps
the biggest gaps
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and directing police
attentions to solving it,
attentions to solving it,
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we can deliver a data-driven vaccine
against racial disparities in policing.
against racial disparities in policing.
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Right now, we have the capacity
to partner with about 40 cities at a time.
to partner with about 40 cities at a time.
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That means if we want the United States
to stop feeling exhausted
to stop feeling exhausted
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from trying to solve
an impossible problem,
an impossible problem,
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we're going to need
a lot more infrastructure.
a lot more infrastructure.
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Because our goal is to have
our tools be able to scale
our tools be able to scale
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the brilliance of dedicated organizers
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and reform-minded chiefs.
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So to get there we're going to need
the kind of collective will
the kind of collective will
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that desegregated schools
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and won the franchise for the sons
and daughters of former slaves
and daughters of former slaves
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so that we can build
a kind of health care system
a kind of health care system
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capable of delivering our vaccine
across the country.
across the country.
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Because our audacious idea
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is to deliver a CompStat for justice
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to departments serving 100 million people
across the United States
across the United States
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in the next five years.
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(Applause and cheers)
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Doing that would mean arming
about a third of the United States
about a third of the United States
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with tools to reduce racial disparities
in police stops, arrests and use of force,
in police stops, arrests and use of force,
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but also tools to reduce
predatory cash bail
predatory cash bail
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and mass incarceration,
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family instability
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and chronic mental health
and substance abuse issues,
and substance abuse issues,
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and every other ill that our broken
criminal-legal systems aggravate.
criminal-legal systems aggravate.
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Because every unnecessary
arrest we can prevent
arrest we can prevent
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saves a family from the terrifying journey
through each one of those systems.
through each one of those systems.
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Just like every gun we can leave holstered
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saves an entire community
from a lifetime of grief.
from a lifetime of grief.
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Look, each and every one of us,
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we measure the things that matter to us.
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Businesses measure profit;
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good students keep track of their grades;
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families chart the growth
of their children
of their children
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with pencil markings in doorframes.
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We all measure the things
that matter most to us,
that matter most to us,
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which is why we feel the neglect
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when nobody's bothering
to measure anything at all.
to measure anything at all.
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For the past quarter millennium,
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we've defined the problems
of race and policing
of race and policing
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in a way that's functionally
impossible to measure.
impossible to measure.
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But now the science says
we can just change that definition.
we can just change that definition.
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And the folks at the Center
for Policing Equity,
for Policing Equity,
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I actually think we may have measured
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more police behavior
than any one in human history.
than any one in human history.
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And that means that once we have the will
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and the resources to do it,
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this could be the generation
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that stops feeling like racism
is an unsolvable problem
is an unsolvable problem
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and instead sees
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that what's been necessary
for far too long is possible.
for far too long is possible.
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Thank you.
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(Applause and cheers)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Phillip Atiba Goff - Justice scientistPhillip Atiba Goff works with police departments to help public safety become more equitable and less deadly.
Why you should listen
Self-proclaimed "justice nerd" Dr. Phillip Atiba Goff devotes himself to understanding how people think and talk about racism in order to prevent racist behavior -- particularly in policing. He identifies the need to shift how we define racism: not as a defect of character, but rather a pattern of behaviors that are measurable and changeable.
Goff is the president and cofounder of the Center for Policing Equity, an organization that diagnoses the roots of disparate policing in order to eliminate them. As a professor, mediator and translator, Goff helps communities and law enforcement understand each other and address problems that have for centuries felt unsolvable.
Phillip Atiba Goff | Speaker | TED.com