ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law.

Why you should listen

Noah Feldman is a professor and writer who tries to figure out how to make the government follow the rules; what the rules are that the government has to follow; and what to do if the rules are being broken. In his work, he asks questions like: How can a 225-year-old constitutional blueprint still work? Can you design a new and better constitution from scratch in places like Iraq and Tunisia? What rights do we have, really?

Feldman is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and a contributing writer for Bloomberg View. He served as senior constitutional advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, and advised members of the Iraqi Governing Council on the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law or interim constitution. He is writing a biography on James Madison, principal author of the Constitution and fourth president of the US; it's forthcoming in 2017.

Feldman is the author of six other books: Cool War: The Future of Global Competition (Random House, 2013); Scorpions: The Battles and Triumphs of FDR’s Great Supreme Court Justices (Twelve Publishing, 2010); The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State (Princeton University Press, 2008); Divided By God: America's Church-State Problem and What We Should Do About It (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2005); What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation-building (Princeton University Press 2004) and After Jihad: America and the Struggle for Islamic Democracy (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2003. He most recently co-authored two textbooks: Constitutional Law, Eighteenth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013) and First Amendment Law, Fifth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013).

More profile about the speaker
Noah Feldman | Speaker | TED.com
TED2017

Noah Feldman: Hamilton vs. Madison and the birth of American partisanship

諾亞·費爾德曼: 漢密爾頓對決麥迪遜:美國黨派的誕生

Filmed:
2,087,300 views

憲法法學學者諾亞·費爾德曼說,如今美國的政治分化,早不是什麼新鮮事了。其實這最早可以追朔至共和時期,兩位開國元勳,漢密爾頓與麥迪遜之間的爭鬥。讓我們與講員費爾德曼進入美國黨派分歧的歷史,而你將會有所領悟──憲法本身將證明它比黨派還要偉大,更具有影響力。
- Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:13
If you've been thinking思維 about US politics政治
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如果過去一年你曾思索過美國政治,
00:16
and trying to make sense of it
for the last year or so,
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並嘗試理解它、將它合理化,
00:20
you might威力 have hit擊中 on something
like the following以下 three propositions命題:
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你腦袋可能會出現以下三個論點:
00:25
one, US partisanship黨派之爭
has never been so bad before;
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第一,美國黨派之爭
從來沒這麼亂過;
00:31
two,
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第二,
00:32
for the first time,
it's geographically地理 spatialized空間化 --
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美國首次出現了地域差異──
我們彼此分化著──
住在沿岸地區的人們向外看,
00:36
we're divided分為 between之間 the coasts海岸,
which哪一個 want to look outwards向外,
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00:40
and the center中央 of the country國家,
which哪一個 wants to look inwards向內;
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而居住在內陸地區的人們視野向內;
00:43
and third第三,
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第三,
我們對此無能為力。
00:45
there's nothing we can do about it.
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00:49
I'm here to today今天 to say
that all three of these propositions命題,
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今天在這
我想告訴各位,
00:52
all of which哪一個 sound聲音 reasonable合理,
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也許這三個論點聽起來合理,
但並不是真的。
00:54
are not true真正.
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00:57
In fact事實,
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事實上,
00:58
our US partisanship黨派之爭 goes all the way back
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美國黨派之爭可追溯至
01:01
to the very beginning開始 of the republic共和國.
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最早的共和民主制政體。
01:05
It was geographically地理 spatialized空間化
in almost幾乎 eerily詭異 the same相同 way
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當時的地域差異,
與今天幾乎相同。
01:10
that it is today今天,
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01:11
and it often經常 has been
throughout始終 US history歷史.
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這現象貫穿著美國歷史。
01:15
And last,
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最後一點,
01:16
and by far most importantly重要的,
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也是到目前最重要的一點,
01:19
we actually其實 have
an extraordinary非凡 mechanism機制
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我們其實擁有一個非凡的機制,
01:23
that's designed設計 to help us manage管理
factional派系 disagreement異議 and partisanship黨派之爭.
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用於協助我們管理
分歧的意見與黨系之爭。
01:29
That technology技術 is the Constitution憲法.
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這個機制被稱之為「憲法」。
01:33
And this is an evolving進化, subtly巧妙的,
supplelysupplely designed設計 entity實體
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這是一項不斷革新、微妙、
精良的設計實體,
01:39
that has the specific具體 purpose目的
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它獨特的用意在於
01:40
of teaching教學 us how to manage管理
factional派系 disagreement異議
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指導我們處理意見分歧,
01:44
where it's possible可能 to do that,
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的確可能可以處理,
同時給了我們解決分歧的工具,
01:46
and giving us techniques技術
for overcoming克服 that disagreement異議
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在可能的情況下。
01:49
when that's possible可能.
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01:51
Now, in order訂購 to tell you the story故事,
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現在,為了給你們講這個故事,
01:54
I want to go back
to a pivotal關鍵的 moment時刻 in US history歷史,
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我想回顧一下
一個美國史上的關鍵時刻,
01:58
and that is the moment時刻
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而正是那時刻,
01:59
when factional派系 disagreement異議
and partisanship黨派之爭 was born天生.
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出現了分歧的意見以及黨派的誕生。
02:03
There actually其實 was a birth分娩 moment時刻 --
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在美國史中這時刻
02:05
a moment時刻 in US history歷史
when partisanship黨派之爭 snapped搶購 into place地點.
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正是黨派誕生到位的時刻。
02:10
The person who's誰是 at the core核心
of that story故事 is James詹姆士 Madison麥迪遜.
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詹姆斯·麥迪遜是故事的核心人物。
02:16
And at the moment時刻 that this began開始,
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在故事開始,
02:18
James詹姆士 Madison麥迪遜 was riding騎術 high.
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詹姆斯·麥迪遜處在巔峰時段。
02:22
He himself他自己 was the Einstein愛因斯坦
of not only the US Constitution憲法,
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麥迪遜不只是美國憲法的創始者,
02:26
but of constitutional構成 thought
more globally全球,
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也將憲政思想傳播到世界,
02:29
and, to give him his due應有,
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說句公道話,
02:31
he knew知道 it.
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他知道。
02:33
In a period of time of just three years年份,
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在短短的三年之中,
02:36
from 1785 to 1788,
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1785-1788 年間,
他從構想、理論化、設計、通過,
02:38
he had conceived設想, theorized理論,
designed設計, passed通過 and gotten得到 ratified批准
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並得到批准,完成了美國憲法。
02:45
the US Constitution憲法.
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02:46
And just to give you
some sense of the enormity艱鉅
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我想讓各位理解他所完成的巨作
02:49
of what that accomplishment成就 actually其實 was,
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有多麼的深遠與偉大,
02:51
although雖然 Madison麥迪遜
couldn't不能 have known已知 it at the time,
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雖然麥迪遜當時不可能未卜先知,
02:54
today今天 that same相同 constitutional構成 technology技術
that he invented發明 is still in use
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直到今日,他所投入的憲法實體,
02:59
not only in the US,
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不只美國仍然實行著,
03:01
but, 230 years年份 later後來,
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在 230 年後,
03:02
in places地方 like Canada加拿大,
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許多地方如加拿大、
03:05
India印度,
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印度、
03:06
South Africa非洲,
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南非、
03:08
Brazil巴西.
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巴西都在用。
03:10
So in an extraordinary非凡 range範圍
of contexts上下文 all over the world世界,
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對全世界影響如此深遠,
03:12
this technology技術 is still the dominant優勢,
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今天這項巨作仍占主導地位,
03:15
most used, most effective有效 technology技術
to manage管理 governance治理.
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對於管理統治上,仍是最頻繁使用
也是最有效的一項技術。
03:19
In that moment時刻,
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當時,
03:21
Madison麥迪遜 believed相信 that,
having solved解決了 this problem問題,
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麥迪遜相信如果解決了這個問題,
03:25
the country國家 would run smoothly順利,
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這個國家會運轉的更順利,
03:27
and that he had designed設計 a technology技術
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因此他設計了這項技術,
03:29
that would minimize最小化
the results結果 of factions派系
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使派系紛爭傷害降到最小,
03:32
so there would be no political政治 parties派對.
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也就不會有政黨的出現了。
03:34
Remarkably異常, he thought
he had designed設計 a constitution憲法
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很顯然的,他認為他所設計的憲法
03:36
that was against反對 political政治 parties派對
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是不利於政黨的,
03:38
and would make them unnecessary不必要.
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也會使政黨成為不必要。
03:40
He had gotten得到 an enormous巨大 degree of help
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他在最後推廣憲法階段
03:42
in the final最後 marketing營銷 phase
of his constitutional構成 project項目
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得到了某人莫大的幫助,
而這人你可能聽過,
亞歷山大·漢密爾頓。
03:46
from a man you may可能 have heard聽說 of,
called Alexander亞歷山大 Hamilton漢密爾頓.
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03:50
Now, Hamilton漢密爾頓 was everything
Madison麥迪遜 was not.
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漢密爾頓、麥迪遜兩人
天性可說是南轅北轍。
03:54
He was passionate多情,
where Madison麥迪遜 was restrained矜持.
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漢密爾頓充滿熱情激昂,
而麥迪遜則是嚴謹拘束,
03:58
He was pansexual泛性,
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漢密爾頓男女老幼通吃,
04:00
where Madison麥迪遜 didn't speak說話
to a woman女人 expect期望 for once一旦
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麥迪遜則從沒跟女人說過話,
04:03
until直到 he was 42 years年份 old,
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直到他 42 歲那年,
04:05
and then married已婚 Dolley多利
and lived生活 happily高高興興 ever after for 40 years年份.
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因此娶了朵莉為妻,
並幸福過了 40 年。
04:08
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
04:10
To put it bluntly直言,
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簡而言之,
04:11
Hamilton's漢密爾頓 the kind of person
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漢密爾頓是
04:12
about whom you would write
a hip-hop嘻哈 musical音樂 --
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那種會使你譜出嘻哈音樂劇的人──
04:15
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
04:16
and Madison麥迪遜 is the kind of person
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而麥迪遜是那種
04:17
about whom you would not write
a hip-hop嘻哈 musical音樂.
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無法將他譜進嘻哈音樂劇的人。
04:20
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
04:21
Or indeed確實, a musical音樂 of any kind at all.
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或是,任何種類的音樂劇都不行。
04:24
But together一起,
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但是他們兩人搭檔一起時,
04:25
they had become成為 a rather unlikely不會 pairing配對,
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他們配合的天衣無縫,
04:27
and they had produced生成
the Federalist聯邦黨人 Papers文件,
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他們共同創造出《聯邦論》,
04:29
which哪一個 offered提供 a justification理由
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也因此給了──
就如我先前所提到的,
04:31
and, as I mentioned提到,
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憲法行銷計畫的理由。
04:33
a marketing營銷 plan計劃 for the Constitution憲法,
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04:35
which哪一個 had been wildly瘋狂 effective有效
and wildly瘋狂 successful成功.
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結果十分有效、十分成功。
04:40
Once一旦 the new government政府 was in place地點,
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當新的政府就任時,
04:42
Hamilton漢密爾頓 became成為 Secretary秘書 of the Treasury金庫,
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漢密爾頓當上了財政部部長,
04:44
and he had a very specific具體 idea理念 in mind心神.
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當時他心頭湧上一個特別的想法。
04:47
And that was
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那就是
04:48
to do for financial金融 institutions機構
and infrastructure基礎設施
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實行金融機構以及基礎建設,
04:51
exactly究竟 what Madison麥迪遜 had doneDONE
for constitutions憲法.
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就像麥迪遜為憲法所做的一樣。
04:55
Again, his contemporaries同時代 all knew知道 it.
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而同僚得知後,
04:57
One of them told Madison麥迪遜,
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其中一個人告訴麥迪遜,
04:59
who can't have liked喜歡 it very much,
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他不可能願意看到
05:01
that Hamilton漢密爾頓 was the Newton牛頓
of infrastructure基礎設施.
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漢密爾頓成為基礎建設的初始者。
05:05
The idea理念 was pretty漂亮 straightforward直截了當.
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他的想法相當簡單明確。
05:07
Hamilton漢密爾頓 would give
the United聯合的 States狀態 a national國民 bank銀行,
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漢密爾頓將給美國一間中央銀行,
05:10
a permanent常駐 national國民 debt債務 --
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一筆永久的國債──
05:14
he said it would be
"immortal不朽," his phrase短語 --
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他說這將會「成為永恆」,
05:17
and a manufacturing製造業 policy政策
that would enable啟用 trade貿易 and manufacturing製造業
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而他所制定的產業政策,
將使貿易和製造業
05:23
rather than agriculture農業,
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超越農業
05:24
which哪一個 was where the country's primary
wealth財富 had historically歷史 been.
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這項歷史上國家首要財務來源。
05:29
Madison麥迪遜 went utterly完全 ballistic彈道的.
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麥迪遜極力反駁。
05:32
And in this pivotal關鍵的, critical危急 decision決定,
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在這至關重要決定中,
05:35
instead代替 of just telling告訴 the world世界
that his old friend朋友 Hamilton漢密爾頓 was wrong錯誤
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除了告訴眾人他的老友
漢密爾頓是錯誤的,
05:39
and was adopting採用 the wrong錯誤 policies政策,
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並實施著錯誤的決策,
05:42
he actually其實 began開始 to argue爭論
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他還開始爭論
05:44
that Hamilton's漢密爾頓 ideas思路
were unconstitutional違憲 --
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漢密爾頓的想法有違憲法的概念──
05:47
that they violated違反 the very nature性質
of the Constitution憲法
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違反了他們當初一起起草的
05:50
that the two of them had drafted起草 together一起.
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憲法其本質。
05:54
Hamilton漢密爾頓 responded回應
the way you would expect期望.
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漢密爾頓的回應就如我們預期,
05:58
He declared聲明 Madison麥迪遜 to be
his "personal個人 and political政治 enemy敵人" --
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他宣稱麥迪遜是
「我個人也是政治上的敵人」──
06:03
these are his words.
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這是他親口說的。
06:04
So these two founders創始人 who had been
such這樣 close friends朋友 and such這樣 close allies盟國
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這兩位開國元勳人曾是
如此友好、如此親密的盟友、
06:08
and such這樣 partners夥伴,
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如此有默契的夥伴,
06:10
then began開始 to produce生產 enmity敵意.
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最後彼此產生了敵意。
06:13
And they did it in the good,
old-fashioned過時 way.
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他們的做法很老派,
06:16
First, they founded成立 political政治 parties派對.
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首先他們各別成立了黨派。
06:17
Madison麥迪遜 created創建 a party派對 originally本來 called
the Democratic民主的 Republican共和黨人 Party派對 --
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麥迪遜成立的黨派
原本稱為「民主共和黨」,
後來簡稱為「共和黨」,
06:21
"Republican共和黨人" for short --
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06:22
and Hamilton漢密爾頓 created創建 a party派對
called the Federalist聯邦黨人 Party派對.
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而漢密爾頓建立了「聯邦黨。」
06:26
Those two parties派對 adopted採用
positions位置 on national國民 politics政治
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這兩個黨派所擁護的國家政治立場
06:30
that were extreme極端 and exaggerated誇張的.
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十分誇張的極端。
06:32
To give you a clear明確 example:
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以下一個例子:
06:34
Madison麥迪遜, who had always believed相信
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麥迪遜的想法是
06:36
that the country國家 would have
some manufacturing製造業 and some trade貿易
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一個國家不單單
只發展貿易與製造業,
06:39
and some agriculture農業,
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農業也必須概括在內,
06:40
began開始 attacking進攻 Hamilton漢密爾頓
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所以他開始攻擊漢密爾頓,
06:43
as a kind of tool工具 of the financial金融 markets市場
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說他是金融市場的工具,
06:47
whom Hamilton漢密爾頓 himself他自己 intended
to put in charge收費 of the country國家.
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而漢密爾頓打算控制國家。
06:52
That was an overstatement言過其實,
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雖然聽起來誇張,
06:54
but it was something
Madison麥迪遜 came來了 to believe.
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但這的確是麥迪遜所相信的。
06:56
He also attacked襲擊 city life,
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麥迪遜同時也攻擊城市的生活型態,
06:58
and he said that the coasts海岸 were corrupt腐敗,
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他認為沿岸正在腐敗,
07:00
and what people needed需要 to do
was to look inwards向內
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人民應該向內陸看,
07:03
to the center中央 of the country國家,
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應該更關心國家的中心,
07:05
to farmers農民, who were the essence本質
of Republican共和黨人 virtue美德,
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應該注重農民,
即共和黨美德的精髓。
07:09
and they should go back to the values
that had made製作 American美國 great,
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同時也應該注重
使美國人偉大的核心價值,
07:12
specifically特別 the values of the Revolution革命,
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尤其是革命的價值觀,
07:15
and those were the values of low taxes,
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即低稅收,
07:18
agriculture農業
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看重農業,
07:19
and less trade貿易.
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同時減少貿易。
07:21
Hamilton漢密爾頓 responded回應 to this
by saying that Madison麥迪遜 was naïve已經,
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漢密爾頓回應說麥迪遜是如此天真,
07:26
that he was childish幼稚,
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同時也很幼稚,
07:28
and that his goal目標 was
to turn the United聯合的 States狀態
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他的目標是將美國轉變成為
07:30
into a primitive原始 autarchy獨裁權,
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一個守舊獨裁專制,
07:32
self-reliant獨立的 and completely全然 ineffectual無效
on the global全球 scale規模.
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一個自給自足,
對全球毫無影響力的國家。
07:36
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
07:37
They both meant意味著 it,
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他們都是認真的,
07:39
and there was some truth真相
to each of their claims索賠,
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他們各自的主張中也許有些事實,
07:42
because each side was grossly非常 exaggerating誇大
the views意見 of the other
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這樣說是因為兩邊為了打贏,
07:46
in order訂購 to fight鬥爭 their war戰爭.
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都把對方的言詞誇大。
07:48
They founded成立 newspapers報紙,
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隨後他們各自成立報社,
07:51
and so for the first time in US history歷史,
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也是美國歷史上頭遭
07:53
the news新聞 that people received收到
came來了 entirely完全 through通過 the lens鏡片
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人們所接收到的新聞來源
07:58
of either the Republican共和黨人
or the Federalist聯邦黨人 party派對.
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不是出自共和黨,就是聯邦黨。
08:03
How does this end結束?
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這最後是如何收場的?
08:05
Well, as it turned轉身 out,
the Constitution憲法 did its work.
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結果是,憲法呈現出它的功效,
08:09
But it did its work in surprising奇怪 ways方法
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而且是以出乎意料的方式呈現,
08:13
that Madison麥迪遜 himself他自己
had not fully充分 anticipated預期.
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麥迪遜本身並沒有完全料到。
08:18
First, there was a series系列 of elections選舉.
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首先是一連串的選舉。
08:21
And the first two times out of the box,
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頭兩次讓人跌破眼鏡,
08:23
the Federalists聯邦黨人 destroyed銷毀 the Republicans共和黨人.
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聯邦黨打敗了共和黨。
08:28
Madison麥迪遜 was astonished驚訝.
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麥迪遜極為錯愕。
08:31
Of course課程, he blamed指責 the press.
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當然,他責怪媒體。
08:33
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
08:36
And in a rather innovative創新 view視圖 --
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他提出一個相當創新的觀點──
08:38
Madison麥迪遜 never failed失敗 to innovate創新
when he thought about anything --
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不管做任何事麥迪遜
總是以創新的觀點出發──
08:41
he said the reason原因
that the press was so pro-Federalist親聯邦黨人
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他說媒體之所以都支持聯邦黨,
08:44
is that the advertisers廣告商
were all Federalists聯邦黨人,
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是因為廣告商都是聯邦黨人,
08:47
because they were traders貿易商 on the coasts海岸
who got their capital首都 from Britain英國,
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因為他們是住在沿岸的貿易商,
他們從英國拿資金,
08:52
which哪一個 Federalism聯邦制 was in bed with.
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而英國是聯邦黨人的老相好。
08:55
That was his initial初始 explanation說明.
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以上是他一開始的解釋。
08:58
But despite儘管 the fact事實 that the Federalists聯邦黨人,
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儘管聯邦黨
09:00
once一旦 in power功率,
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一上台之後,
09:01
actually其實 enacted頒布 laws法律 that criminalized刑事犯罪
criticism批評 of the government政府 --
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就制定法條,將批評政府列為非法──
09:06
that happened發生 in the United聯合的 States狀態 --
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美國也發生過這種事──
09:09
nevertheless雖然,
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然而
09:11
the Republicans共和黨人 fought戰鬥 back,
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共和黨反擊,
09:13
and Madison麥迪遜 began開始 to emphasize注重
the freedom自由 of speech言語,
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麥迪遜開始強調言論自由,
09:16
which哪一個 he had built內置
into the Bill法案 of Rights,
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並將言論自由納入權利法案中,
09:19
and the capacity容量 of civil國內 society社會
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同時也允許
民間社會組織的成立。
09:21
to organize組織.
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09:22
And sure enough足夠, nationally國內,
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所以當然,在全國各地
09:25
small local本地 groups -- they were called
Democratic-Republican民主黨共和黨 Societies社會 --
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就有一群小型的地方組織,
他們稱之為民主—共和主義社會,
09:29
began開始 to form形成 and protest抗議
against反對 Federalist-dominated聯邦黨人主導 hegemony霸權.
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開始形成並反擊聯邦黨的霸權。
09:35
Eventually終於, the Republicans共和黨人 managed管理
to win贏得 a national國民 election選舉 --
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最後,共和黨贏得全國的選舉,
09:40
that was in 1800.
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那是 1800 年。
09:42
Madison麥迪遜 became成為 the Secretary秘書 of State,
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麥迪遜也成為了國家的國務卿,
09:44
his friend朋友 and mentor導師 Jefferson杰斐遜
became成為 president主席,
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而他的朋友同時也是導師
傑佛遜成為了美國總統,
09:47
and they actually其實, over time,
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隨著時間推移,
09:49
managed管理 to put the Federalists聯邦黨人
completely全然 out of business商業.
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他們真的讓聯邦黨完全消失。
09:54
That was their goal目標.
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這是他們的目標。
09:57
Now, why did that happen發生?
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而為什麼會這樣?
10:00
It happened發生 because in the structure結構體
of the Constitution憲法
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這是由於憲法的架構中,
10:04
were several一些 features特徵
that actually其實 managed管理 faction
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其中有幾項特點
確實可以管理黨派的分歧,
10:08
the way there were supposed應該 to do
in the first place地點.
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在故事一開始的時候就應該實行了。
10:10
What were those?
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這些特點是什麼呢?
10:12
One -- most important重要 of all --
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第一,也是最重要的一點,
10:14
the freedom自由 of speech言語.
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言論自由。
10:16
This was an innovative創新 idea理念 at the time.
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在當時這是一個新思維。
10:18
Namely亦即, that if you were out of power功率,
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換句話說,當你失去政權時,
10:21
you could still say
that the government政府 was terrible可怕.
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你仍有權力說政府的不好。
10:24
Two,
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第二點,
10:26
civil國內 society社會 organization組織.
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民間社會組織。
10:29
The capacity容量 to put together一起
private私人的 groups, individuals個人,
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不管是組織私人團體或是聚眾,
10:33
political政治 parties派對 and others其他
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或是成立政黨等等,
10:34
who would organize組織 to try to bring帶來
about fundamental基本的 change更改.
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會帶來本質上的改變。
10:39
Perhaps也許 most significantly顯著
was the separation分割 of powers權力 --
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也許最重要的是權力分立──
10:44
an extraordinary非凡 component零件
of the Constitution憲法.
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這是憲法中非凡的組成。
10:47
The thing about the separation分割 of powers權力
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關於權力分立,
10:49
is that it did then and it does now,
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不管是當時或是現在,
10:51
drive駕駛 governance治理 to the center中央.
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都將治理推向中間。
10:56
You can get elected當選 to office辦公室
in the United聯合的 States狀態
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在美國你可以
藉由邊陲的支持當選上台,
10:59
with help from the periphery周邊,
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11:01
right or left.
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不管是偏右或是偏左。
11:03
It turns out,
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然而結果是,
11:04
you actually其實 can't govern治理
unless除非 you bring帶來 on board the center中央.
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除非你注重中間,否則無法治理。
11:10
There are midterm期中考試 elections選舉
that come incredibly令人難以置信 fast快速
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總統就位後,
11:14
after a presidency總統任期 begins開始.
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1929
期中選舉很快就到了,
11:17
Those drive駕駛 presidents總統 towards the center中央.
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2483
也因此使總統一定要著重中間。
11:21
There's a structure結構體 in which哪一個
the president主席, in fact事實, does not rule規則
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事實上在這架構中,總統並不統治
11:25
or even govern治理,
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或是管理,
11:26
but can only propose提出 laws法律
which哪一個 other people have to agree同意 with --
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但只能提案,
而且必須獲得其他人同意──
11:31
another另一個 feature特徵 that tends趨向
to drive駕駛 presidents總統
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這是另一個架構特色,
11:34
who actually其實 want to get things doneDONE
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驅使總統
11:35
to the center中央.
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將心力放在中間。
11:37
And a glance一瞥 at the newspapers報紙 today今天
will reveal揭示 to you
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在今日的報紙中你仍可以發現
11:41
that these principles原則 are still
completely全然 in operation手術.
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這些原則今日依然運行著。
11:46
No matter how a president主席 gets得到 elected當選,
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無論一個總統是如何選上的,
11:48
the president主席 cannot不能 get anything doneDONE
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總統在沒有遵循憲法前提下
11:52
unless除非 the president主席 first of all
follows如下 the rules規則 of the Constitution憲法,
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是什麼都無法完成的。
11:55
because if not,
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若沒有遵循憲法,
11:56
the courts法院 will stand up,
as indeed確實 has sometimes有時 occurred發生,
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法院會發聲並採取一些措施,
12:00
not only recently最近,
but in the past過去, in US history歷史.
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這不是現在才有的,
而是從過去美國歷史延續到現在。
12:03
And furthermore此外,
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此外,
12:04
the president主席 needs需求 people,
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總統需要人民,
12:05
elected當選 officials官員 who know
they need to win贏得 election選舉
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民選官員都知道他們需要
中間選民以贏得選舉,
12:08
from centrist中間派 voters選民,
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12:10
also to back his or her policies政策
in order訂購 to pass通過 laws法律.
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4225
及支持他們想通過的法案。
12:15
Without沒有 it, nothing much happens發生.
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若沒有經過這樣的程序,
基本上總統無力改變些什麼。
12:19
The takeaway帶走 of this brief簡要 excursus附錄
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從歷史上的黨爭
得到的精華概要就是:
12:23
into the history歷史 of partisanship黨派之爭,
then, is the following以下:
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12:29
partisanship黨派之爭 is real真實;
252
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黨派之爭真實存在;
12:32
it's profound深刻;
253
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1414
它影響深遠;
12:34
it's extraordinarily異常 powerful強大,
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非常有力;
12:36
and it's terribly可怕 upsetting.
255
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非常令人生氣。
12:39
But the design設計 of the Constitution憲法
is greater更大 than partisanship黨派之爭.
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5687
然而憲法的設計
是遠超乎黨派本身的。
12:46
It enables使 us to manage管理 partisanship黨派之爭
when that's possible可能,
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它使我們能夠管理黨派,
12:50
and it enables使 us actually其實
to overcome克服 partisan黨派 division
258
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5976
也使我們可以克服黨派間的分歧,
12:56
and produce生產 compromise妥協,
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1648
並產生妥協,
12:58
when and only when that is possible可能.
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2245
也只有這種情況下才有可能。
13:03
A technology技術 like that
is a technology技術 that worked工作
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這樣的工具
13:06
for the founders創始人,
262
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對開國元勳是有效的,
13:08
it worked工作 for their grandchildren孫子,
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2441
同時也適用於他們的後代子孫,
13:12
it didn't work at the moment時刻
of the Civil國內 War戰爭,
264
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雖然在南北戰爭期間
憲法並沒有作用,
13:14
but then it started開始 working加工 again.
265
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1914
但戰爭結束後又恢復它的功效了。
13:16
And it worked工作 for our grandparents祖父母,
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它延伸至我們的祖父母,
13:18
our parents父母,
267
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1554
我們的父母,
13:20
and it's going to work for us.
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當然它也適用於我們。
13:25
(Applause掌聲)
269
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4456
(掌聲)
13:30
So what you should do is really simple簡單.
270
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2102
而你真正該做的其實很簡單。
13:33
Stand up for what you believe in,
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捍衛你所信仰的,
13:36
support支持 the organizations組織
that you care關心 about,
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3206
支持你所關心的組織,
13:39
speak說話 out on the issues問題
that matter to you,
273
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2837
勇敢大聲說出和你息息相關的議題,
13:43
get involved參與,
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1831
並參與其中,
13:45
make change更改,
275
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1515
嘗試著改變,
13:46
express表現 you opinion意見,
276
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1895
說出你的意見,
13:48
and do it with respect尊重
and knowledge知識 and confidence置信度
277
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3851
並用尊重的心、智慧與自信來做,
13:52
that it's only by working加工 together一起
278
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2854
唯有當我們共同努力,
13:55
that the constitutional構成 technology技術
can do the job工作 that it is designed設計 to do.
279
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憲法系統才能發揮它的效用。
14:00
Stand up for what you believe,
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在捍衛你的信仰之前,
14:02
but take a deep breath呼吸 while you do it.
281
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2099
深呼吸,
14:05
It's going to be OK.
282
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一切都會沒事的。
14:09
Thanks謝謝.
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1359
謝謝各位。
14:10
(Applause掌聲)
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Translated by Claire Wei
Reviewed by ZHOU AILUN

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law.

Why you should listen

Noah Feldman is a professor and writer who tries to figure out how to make the government follow the rules; what the rules are that the government has to follow; and what to do if the rules are being broken. In his work, he asks questions like: How can a 225-year-old constitutional blueprint still work? Can you design a new and better constitution from scratch in places like Iraq and Tunisia? What rights do we have, really?

Feldman is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and a contributing writer for Bloomberg View. He served as senior constitutional advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, and advised members of the Iraqi Governing Council on the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law or interim constitution. He is writing a biography on James Madison, principal author of the Constitution and fourth president of the US; it's forthcoming in 2017.

Feldman is the author of six other books: Cool War: The Future of Global Competition (Random House, 2013); Scorpions: The Battles and Triumphs of FDR’s Great Supreme Court Justices (Twelve Publishing, 2010); The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State (Princeton University Press, 2008); Divided By God: America's Church-State Problem and What We Should Do About It (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2005); What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation-building (Princeton University Press 2004) and After Jihad: America and the Struggle for Islamic Democracy (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2003. He most recently co-authored two textbooks: Constitutional Law, Eighteenth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013) and First Amendment Law, Fifth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013).

More profile about the speaker
Noah Feldman | Speaker | TED.com

Data provided by TED.

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