TEDGlobal 2014
Severine Autesserre: To solve mass violence, look to locals
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Severine Autesserre studies the Democratic Republic of Congo, which is in the middle of the deadliest conflict since World War II; it's been called "the largest ongoing humanitarian crisis in the world.” The conflict seems hopelessly, unsolvably large. But her insight from decades of listening and engaging: The conflicts are often locally based. And instead of focusing on solutions that scale to a national level, leaders and aid groups might be better served solving local crises before they ignite.
Severine Autesserre - Peace and conflict researcher
Severine Autesserre traces civil war and endemic violence to its roots, and its resolution, in local and interpersonal conflicts. Full bio
Severine Autesserre traces civil war and endemic violence to its roots, and its resolution, in local and interpersonal conflicts. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
I want to speak about
a forgotten conflict.
a forgotten conflict.
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It's a conflict that rarely
hits the headlines.
hits the headlines.
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It happens right here,
in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
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Now, most people outside of Africa
don't know much about the war in Congo,
don't know much about the war in Congo,
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so let me give you a couple of key facts.
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The Congolese conflict is the deadliest
conflict since World War II.
conflict since World War II.
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It has caused almost four million deaths.
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It has destabilized most of Central Africa
for the past 18 years.
for the past 18 years.
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It is the largest ongoing
humanitarian crisis in the world.
humanitarian crisis in the world.
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That's why I first went to Congo in 2001.
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I was a young humanitarian aid worker,
and I met this woman who was my age.
and I met this woman who was my age.
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She was called Isabelle.
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Local militias
had attacked Isabelle's village.
had attacked Isabelle's village.
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They had killed many men,
raped many women.
raped many women.
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They had looted everything.
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And then they wanted to take Isabelle,
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but her husband stepped in,
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and he said, "No,
please don't take Isabelle.
please don't take Isabelle.
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Take me instead."
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So he had gone to the forest
with the militias,
with the militias,
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and Isabelle had never seen him again.
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Well, it's because of people
like Isabelle and her husband
like Isabelle and her husband
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that I have devoted my career
to studying this war
to studying this war
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that we know so little about.
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Although there is one story
about Congo that you may have heard.
about Congo that you may have heard.
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It's a story about minerals and rape.
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Policy statements and media reports
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both usually focus on a primary cause
of violence in Congo --
of violence in Congo --
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the illegal exploitation and trafficking
of natural resources --
of natural resources --
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and on a main consequence --
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sexual abuse of women and girls
as a weapon of war.
as a weapon of war.
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So, not that these two issues
aren't important and tragic. They are.
aren't important and tragic. They are.
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But today I want to tell you
a different story.
a different story.
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I want to tell you a story
that emphasizes a core cause
that emphasizes a core cause
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of the ongoing conflict.
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Violence in Congo is in large part driven
by local bottom-up conflicts
by local bottom-up conflicts
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that international peace efforts
have failed to help address.
have failed to help address.
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The story starts from the fact
that not only is Congo notable
that not only is Congo notable
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for being the world's worst
ongoing humanitarian crisis,
ongoing humanitarian crisis,
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but it is also home to some of the largest
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international peacebuilding
efforts in the world.
efforts in the world.
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Congo hosts the largest
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and most expensive United Nations
peacekeeping mission in the world.
peacekeeping mission in the world.
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It was also the site of the first
European-led peacekeeping mission,
European-led peacekeeping mission,
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and for its first cases ever,
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the International Criminal Court
chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.
chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.
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In 2006, when Congo held the first
free national elections in its history,
free national elections in its history,
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many observers thought that an end to
violence in the region had finally come.
violence in the region had finally come.
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The international community lauded the
successful organization of these elections
successful organization of these elections
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as finally an example
of successful international intervention
of successful international intervention
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in a failed state.
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But the eastern provinces
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have continued to face
massive population displacements
massive population displacements
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and horrific human rights violations.
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Shortly before I went
back there last summer,
back there last summer,
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there was a horrible massacre
in the province of South Kivu.
in the province of South Kivu.
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Thirty-three people were killed.
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They were mostly women and children,
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and many of them were hacked to death.
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During the past eight years,
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fighting in the eastern provinces
has regularly reignited
has regularly reignited
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full-scale civil and international war.
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So basically, every time we feel
that we are on the brink of peace,
that we are on the brink of peace,
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the conflict explodes again.
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Why?
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Why have the massive international efforts
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failed to help Congo
achieve lasting peace and security?
achieve lasting peace and security?
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Well, my answer to this question
revolves around two central observations.
revolves around two central observations.
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First, one of the main reasons
for the continuation of violence in Congo
for the continuation of violence in Congo
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is fundamentally local --
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and when I say local,
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I really mean at the level
of the individual, the family,
of the individual, the family,
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the clan, the municipality,
the community, the district,
the community, the district,
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sometimes the ethnic group.
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For instance, you remember the story
of Isabelle that I told you.
of Isabelle that I told you.
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Well, the reason why militias
had attacked Isabelle's village
had attacked Isabelle's village
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was because they wanted to take the land
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that the villagers needed
to cultivate food and to survive.
to cultivate food and to survive.
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The second central observation
is that international peace efforts
is that international peace efforts
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have failed to help
address local conflicts
address local conflicts
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because of the presence
of a dominant peacebuilding culture.
of a dominant peacebuilding culture.
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So what I mean is that
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Western and African diplomats,
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United Nations peacekeepers, donors,
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the staff of most
nongovernmental organizations
nongovernmental organizations
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that work with the resolution of conflict,
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they all share a specific way
of seeing the world.
of seeing the world.
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And I was one of these people,
and I shared this culture,
and I shared this culture,
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so I know all too well how powerful it is.
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Throughout the world,
and throughout conflict zones,
and throughout conflict zones,
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this common culture shapes
the intervener's understanding
the intervener's understanding
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of the causes of violence
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as something that is primarily located
in the national and international spheres.
in the national and international spheres.
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It shapes our understanding
of the path toward peace
of the path toward peace
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as something again that requires
top-down intervention
top-down intervention
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to address national
and international tensions.
and international tensions.
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And it shapes our understanding
of the roles of foreign actors
of the roles of foreign actors
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as engaging in national
and international peace processes.
and international peace processes.
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Even more importantly,
this common culture
this common culture
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enables international peacebuilders
to ignore the micro-level tensions
to ignore the micro-level tensions
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that often jeopardize
the macro-level settlements.
the macro-level settlements.
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So for instance, in Congo,
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because of how they are
socialized and trained,
socialized and trained,
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United Nations officials,
donors, diplomats,
donors, diplomats,
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the staff of most
nongovernmental organizations,
nongovernmental organizations,
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they interpret continued fighting
and massacres as a top-down problem.
and massacres as a top-down problem.
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To them, the violence they see
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is the consequence of tensions
between President Kabila
between President Kabila
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and various national opponents,
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and tensions between Congo,
Rwanda and Uganda.
Rwanda and Uganda.
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In addition, these international
peacebuilders view local conflicts
peacebuilders view local conflicts
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as simply the result
of national and international tensions,
of national and international tensions,
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insufficient state authority,
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and what they call the Congolese people's
so-called inherent penchant for violence.
so-called inherent penchant for violence.
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The dominant culture
also constructs intervention
also constructs intervention
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at the national and international levels
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as the only natural and legitimate task
for United Nations staffers and diplomats.
for United Nations staffers and diplomats.
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And it elevates the organization
of general elections,
of general elections,
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which is now a sort of cure-all,
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as the most crucial state
reconstruction mechanism
reconstruction mechanism
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over more effective
state-building approaches.
state-building approaches.
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And that happens not only in Congo
but also in many other conflict zones.
but also in many other conflict zones.
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But let's dig deeper,
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into the other main sources of violence.
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In Congo, continuing violence
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is motivated not only by the national
and international causes
and international causes
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but also by longstanding
bottom-up agendas
bottom-up agendas
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whose main instigators
are villagers, traditional chiefs,
are villagers, traditional chiefs,
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community chiefs or ethnic leaders.
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Many conflicts revolve around political,
social and economic stakes
social and economic stakes
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that are distinctively local.
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For instance, there is
a lot of competition
a lot of competition
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at the village or district level
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over who can be chief of village
or chief of territory
or chief of territory
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according to traditional law,
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and who can control
the distribution of land
the distribution of land
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and the exploitation
of local mining sites.
of local mining sites.
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This competition often results
in localized fighting,
in localized fighting,
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for instance in one village or territory,
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and quite frequently,
it escalates into generalized fighting,
it escalates into generalized fighting,
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so across a whole province,
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and even at times
into neighboring countries.
into neighboring countries.
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Take the conflict between Congolese
of Rwandan descent
of Rwandan descent
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and the so-called indigenous
communities of the Kivus.
communities of the Kivus.
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This conflict started in the 1930s
during Belgian colonization,
during Belgian colonization,
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when both communities competed
over access to land and to local power.
over access to land and to local power.
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Then, in 1960,
after Congolese independence,
after Congolese independence,
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it escalated because each camp
tried to align with national politicians,
tried to align with national politicians,
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but still to advance their local agendas.
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And then, at the time
of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,
of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,
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these local actors allied
with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,
with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,
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but still to advance their local agendas
in the provinces of the Kivus.
in the provinces of the Kivus.
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And since then, these local disputes
over land and local power
over land and local power
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have fueled violence,
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and they have regularly jeopardized
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the national and
international settlements.
international settlements.
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So we can wonder why
in these circumstances
in these circumstances
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the international peacebuilders
have failed to help implement
have failed to help implement
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local peacebuilding programs.
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And the answer is that
international interveners
international interveners
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deem the resolution of grassroots conflict
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an unimportant, unfamiliar,
and illegitimate task.
and illegitimate task.
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The very idea of becoming involved
at the local level clashes fundamentally
at the local level clashes fundamentally
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with existing cultural norms,
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and it threatens
key organizational interests.
key organizational interests.
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For instance, the very identity
of the United Nations
of the United Nations
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as this macro-level
diplomatic organization
diplomatic organization
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would be upended
if it were to refocus on local conflicts.
if it were to refocus on local conflicts.
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And the result is that
neither the internal resistance
neither the internal resistance
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to the dominant ways of working
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nor the external shocks
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have managed to convince international
actors that they should reevaluate
actors that they should reevaluate
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their understanding
of violence and intervention.
of violence and intervention.
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And so far, there have been
only very few exceptions.
only very few exceptions.
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There have been exceptions,
but only very few exceptions,
but only very few exceptions,
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to this broad pattern.
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So to wrap up,
the story I just told you
the story I just told you
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is a story about how
a dominant peacebuilding culture
a dominant peacebuilding culture
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shapes the intervener's understanding
of what the causes of violence are,
of what the causes of violence are,
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how peace is made,
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and what interventions should accomplish.
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These understandings enable
international peacebuilders
international peacebuilders
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to ignore the micro-level foundations
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that are so necessary
for sustainable peace.
for sustainable peace.
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The resulting inattention
to local conflicts
to local conflicts
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leads to inadequate peacebuilding
in the short term
in the short term
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and potential war resumption
in the long term.
in the long term.
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And what's fascinating
is that this analysis
is that this analysis
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helps us to better understand
many cases of lasting conflict
many cases of lasting conflict
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and international intervention failures,
in Africa and elsewhere.
in Africa and elsewhere.
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Local conflicts fuel violence
in most war and post-war environments,
in most war and post-war environments,
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from Afghanistan to Sudan
to Timor-Leste,
to Timor-Leste,
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and in the rare cases
where there have been comprehensive,
where there have been comprehensive,
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bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives,
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these attempts have been successful
at making peace sustainable.
at making peace sustainable.
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One of the best examples is the contrast
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between the relatively peaceful
situation in Somaliland,
situation in Somaliland,
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which benefited from sustained
grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,
grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,
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and the violence prevalent
in the rest of Somalia,
in the rest of Somalia,
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where peacebuilding
has been mostly top-down.
has been mostly top-down.
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And there are several other cases
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in which local, grassroots
conflict resolution
conflict resolution
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has made a crucial difference.
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So if we want international
peacebuilding to work,
peacebuilding to work,
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in addition to any top-down intervention,
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conflicts must be resolved
from the bottom up.
from the bottom up.
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And again, it's not that national
and international tensions don't matter.
and international tensions don't matter.
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They do.
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And it's not that national
and international peacebuilding
and international peacebuilding
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isn't necessary.
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It is.
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Instead, it is that both macro-level
and micro-level peacebuilding are needed
and micro-level peacebuilding are needed
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to make peace sustainable,
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and local nongovernmental organizations,
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local authorities and
civil society representatives
civil society representatives
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should be the main actors
in the bottom-up process.
in the bottom-up process.
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So of course, there are obstacles.
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Local actors often lack the funding
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and sometimes the logistical means
and the technical capacity
and the technical capacity
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to implement effective,
local peacebuilding programs.
local peacebuilding programs.
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So international actors
should expand their funding and support
should expand their funding and support
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for local conflict resolution.
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As for Congo, what can be done?
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After two decades of conflict
and the deaths of millions,
and the deaths of millions,
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it's clear that we need
to change our approach.
to change our approach.
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Based on my field research,
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I believe that international
and Congolese actors
and Congolese actors
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should pay more attention
to the resolution of land conflict
to the resolution of land conflict
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and the promotion
of inter-community reconciliation.
of inter-community reconciliation.
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So for instance,
in the province of the Kivus,
in the province of the Kivus,
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the Life and Peace Institute
and its Congolese partners
and its Congolese partners
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have set up inter-community forums
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to discuss the specifics
of local conflicts over land,
of local conflicts over land,
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and these forums have found solutions
to help manage the violence.
to help manage the violence.
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That's the kind of program
that is sorely needed
that is sorely needed
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throughout eastern Congo.
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It's with programs like this
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that we can help people
like Isabelle and her husband.
like Isabelle and her husband.
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So these will not be magic wands,
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but because they take into account
deeply rooted causes of the violence,
deeply rooted causes of the violence,
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they could definitely be game-changers.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Severine Autesserre - Peace and conflict researcherSeverine Autesserre traces civil war and endemic violence to its roots, and its resolution, in local and interpersonal conflicts.
Why you should listen
For Barnard College, Columbia University political science professor Severine Autesserre, solutions to large-scale instability and widespread violence aren’t devised in the academy or mapped out internationally. They’re negotiated, village by village, with the people affected.
Calling for a far greater attention to a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding, along with more top-down ways, the author of The Trouble with Congo (and the recent Peaceland) shows that resolving local disputes over land, resources and political power is key to securing the long-term stability of countries.
More profile about the speakerCalling for a far greater attention to a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding, along with more top-down ways, the author of The Trouble with Congo (and the recent Peaceland) shows that resolving local disputes over land, resources and political power is key to securing the long-term stability of countries.
Severine Autesserre | Speaker | TED.com