Ian Bremmer: How the US should use its superpower status
Ian Bremmer: Come gli Stati Uniti dovrebbero usare il loro status di superpotenza.
Ian Bremmer is the president and founder of Eurasia Group, a political risk research and consulting firm. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
you always think about technology,
pensi sempre alla tecnologia,
becoming more innovative.
about driverless cars these days,
senza pilota in questi giorni
of a driverless car,
and the brake, just in case.
per ogni eventualità.
but I am not ready for a driverless bus.
per un autobus senza conducente.
senza conducente.
for the last several generations
per le ultime generazioni
the World Trade Organization
alleati, i nostri soldi, i nostri modelli.
our money, our standards.
funzionava.
if you want to look at how the US looks,
come gli Stati Uniti sembrano,
it feels pretty comfortable.
piuttosto rassicurante.
saw the China trip last week
il viaggio in Cina la scorsa settimana
of the world's leaders in China.
tra i leaders mondiali in Cina.
was actually spewing expletives
realtà stava vomitando imprecazioni
and everybody else.
about to get into a cage match, right?
un match di wrestling, vero?
and they talked about Syria.
minuti e hanno parlato della Siria.
are telling him what to do.
gli dicessero cosa fare.
are getting together?
are pulling their weight.
Turkish president Erdogan what to do,
turco Erdogan cosa fare,
what's going on over there?
cosa sta succedendo laggiù?
it's not a G20,
no single country or alliance
un singolo paese o un'alleanza
of global leadership.
della leadership mondiale.
that's history.
and capital are moving across borders
e i capitali si muovono tra i confini
with the rest of this talk.
about the implications of that
di questo,
Why are we here?
Perché siamo qui?
on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
per la guerra in Iraq e in Afghanistan
of middle and working classes
classe media e operaia
from promises of globalization,
delle promesse della globalizzazione,
or the Middle East the way we used to.
Oriente come un tempo.
in the United States.
to be the global sheriff for security
gli sceriffi mondiali della sicurezza
the cheerleader of global values.
i sostenitori dei valori mondiali.
alliance in the world
at any point since World War II,
mai stata dopo la seconda guerra mondiale.
the Brexit conversations,
le discussioni sulla Brexit,
between the French and the Russians,
tra Francesi e Russi,
or the Brits and the Chinese.
o tra Britannici e Cinesi.
standards, currency,
standard, moneta,
il loro ordinamento.
has had stability such as it is. Right?
la stabilità così come è ora. Ok?
a willingness to provide
la volontà di procurare
by the US and allies.
da parte degli Usa e degli alleati.
a lot of cheap money out of the ground
fuori dal territorio
the populations were relatively quiescent.
le popolazioni erano alquanto passive.
and many didn't have the will
e molti neanche la voglia
are increasingly not true,
meno vere
and Iraq, Israel, Iran over time.
e poi Iraq, Israele e Iran col tempo.
it's not a good look.
he's hitting above his weight.
delle sue possibilità.
(non intendevo dire quello...)
expanding NATO right up to their borders
espandevano la NATO fino ai loro confini
put hundreds of billions of dollars
centinaia di miliardi di dollari
sul quale pensano di avere influenza
they thought they had influence in.
The Russians are picking up the crumbs.
i Russi raccoglieranno le briciole.
a very tense 10 years for Mr. Putin.
10 anni molto tesi per Putin
about to get a third term written in
un terzo mandato con il
Democratico in Giappone
who is consolidating enormous power,
consolidando un potere enorme,
most important economies in Asia.
economie in Asia
over the South China Sea.
Cina del Sud
just in the last couple of days,
solo negli ultimi giorni
do not feel the need
il bisogno
and cross-border tensions.
trans-frontierali
economic stability and growth.
economica e una crescita di lungo termine
in this environment.
in questo scenario.
in the Middle East
Medio Oriente
onto European shores.
the concerns of populism
preoccupazione del populismo
will be seen to have gone too far.
eccessiva.
went right down to the Middle East,
è arrivata fino al Medio Oriente
more flat and more Americanized,
più piatto e più "americanizzato",
those countries nearest Russia
quei paesi vicini alla Russia
economic capabilities,
capacità economiche
and systems than core Europe.
che non l'Europa centrale.
ad espandersi
Europe will get smaller.
diventerà più piccola
and France and others
e altri Paesi
stable, wealthy, integrated.
ricca, integrata.
and Turkey and others,
per niente bene.
non molto bene.
to the United States for decades.
molto opposti agli USA.
when Maduro falls.
Maduro.
after the impeachment
a new legitimate president elected there.
di un nuovo leggittimo presidente.
that is moving in another direction
in un'altra direzione
of Mexican president Peña Nieto.
Peña Nieto.
a slip away from the United States
un allontanamento dagli USA
on that one, too.
anche su quello.
il decennio dell'Africa, finalmente.
it's going to be Africa's decade, finally.
it is absolutely an amazing time
un momento sorprendente
with a lot of urbanization,
urbanizzazione,
women really getting into the workforce,
donne veramente integrate nel lavoro,
and also Christianity,
Cristianesimo,
lots of forced migration.
molta immigrazione.
an extreme segregation going on
estrema
and the losers across Africa.
l'Africa.
we should be upset.
elettorale, dovremmo essere irritati.
because they say, "Washington's broken,
dicono "Washington non funziona
we hate the media."
odiamo i media."
are taking it on the chin.
accusa il colpo.
riconoscere,
chased by the bear,
you need not outrun the bear,
correre più veloce dell'orso,
your fellow campers.
compagni di campeggio.
Let's go New York real estate.
sull'immobiliare di New York.
to American universities."
Università americane".
and two big bodies of water.
d'acqua.
would love to have neighbors like that?
dei vicini così?
in the United States.
Stati Uniti.
in Europe than the US.
USA.
in the Middle East
nel Medio Oriente
and we're complaining bitterly about it.
siriani e ce ne lamentiamo moltissimo.
Because they can't swim here.
Perché non possono nuotare fino a qui.
di avere solo 10,000 rifugiati siriani.
to have only 10,000 Syrian refugees.
the Germans, the Brits. Right?
Giusto?
il modo in cui comandi
the global cop anymore,
globali,
the architect of global trade,
del commercio globale,
the cheerleader of global values,
valori globali,
the way we used to,
be so compelling
essere così convincenti
are going to still say,
dire che
più veloci
this is a good place to be.
questo è un bel posto dove stare.
is not proving a good option
si sta dimostrando un buona opportunità
it's going to be like the '90s.
negli anni '90.
that cheerleader on values.
sostenitori di valori.
the architect of global trade.
gli sceriffi globali.
to bring us back to the '30s.
indietro agli anni '30.
You don't like it, lump it." Right?
Se non vi piace, peggio per voi". No?
a fundamental truth of the G-Zero,
fondamentale del G-Zero
the US is not in decline,
difficile
volontà,
da esempio?
another crisis that forces us to respond.
ci costringa a reagire,
crisis could do this.
lo farebbe.
the inequality, the challenges
l'ineguaglianza, le sfide
in the United States,
negli Stati Uniti
per farlo.
to compel them to change.
a cambiare.
neither of those things,
cose
qui un'altra volta
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Ian Bremmer - Political theoristIan Bremmer is the president and founder of Eurasia Group, a political risk research and consulting firm.
Why you should listen
Dubbed a "rising guru" in the field of political risk by The Economist, Ian Bremmer teaches classes on the discipline as global research professor at New York University and is a foreign affairs columnist and editor at large for Time magazine. His latest book, Superpower: Three Choices for America’s Role in the World, was published in May 2015.
Bremmer is credited with bringing the craft of political risk to financial markets. He created Wall Street's first global political risk index (GPRI), and he established political risk as an academic discipline. His definition of emerging markets -- "those countries where politics matter at least as much as economics for market outcomes" -- has become an industry standard. "G-Zero," his term for a global power vacuum in which no country is willing and able to set the international agenda, is widely accepted by policymakers and thought leaders.
Bremmer has published nine books including the national bestsellers Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World and The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations? He is a regular columnist for the Financial Times and has written hundreds of articles for many leading publications. He appears regularly on CNBC, Fox, Bloomberg, CNN, the BBC and other networks.
Bremmer earned a PhD in political science from Stanford University in 1994 and was the youngest-ever national fellow at the Hoover Institution. In 2007, Bremmer was named a Young Global Leader of the World Economic Forum, where he is the founding chairman of the Global Agenda Council on Geopolitical Risk. He is the Harold J. Newman Distinguished Fellow in Geopolitics at the Asia Society Policy Institute and serves on the President's Council of the Near East Foundation, the Leadership Council for Concordia and the Board of Trustees of Intelligence Squared.
Bremmer grew up in Boston and currently lives in New York and Washington.
Ian Bremmer | Speaker | TED.com