TEDGlobal 2012
Ivan Krastev: Can democracy exist without trust?
Ivan Krastev: Kan demokrati eksistere uden tillid?
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Teoretiker Ivan Krastev argumenterer for, at fem store revolutioner har formet den politiske kultur over de seneste 50 år. Han viser hvorledes hvert skridt fremad, fra kulturevolutionen i 60'erne til fremskridt indenfor hjerneforskning, har medvirket til samtidig at fjerne tillid som et værktøj i demokratiet. Som han siger: "Hvad der gik godt var også hvad der gik galt." Kan demokratiet overleve?
Ivan Krastev - Public intellectual
From his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it. Full bio
From his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:16
I'm afraid I'm one of those speakers
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Jeg er bange for, at jeg er en af de talere
00:19
you hope you're not going to meet at TED.
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som du håber, at du ikke vil møde på TED
00:22
First, I don't have a mobile,
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For det første har jeg ikke nogen mobil.
00:23
so I'm on the safe side.
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Bare for at være på den sikre side.
00:25
Secondly, a political theorist
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Derudover er en politisk teoretiker,
00:27
who's going to talk about the crisis of democracy
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som ønsker at tale om demokratiets krise,
00:30
is probably not the most exciting topic you can think about.
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formentlig ikke det mest interessante du kan komme i tanke om.
00:34
And plus, I'm not going to give you any answers.
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Som om det ikke var nok, er jeg ikke her for at give jer svar.
00:36
I'm much more trying to add to some of the questions we're talking about.
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Jeg er snarere kommet for tilføje endnu flere ubesvarede spørgsmål.
00:40
And one of the things that I want to question
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En af de ting som jeg ønsker at sætte spørgsmålstegn ved,
00:42
is this very popular hope these days
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er den meget moderne og populære ide,
00:45
that transparency and openness
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at transparens og åbenhed
00:47
can restore the trust in democratic institutions.
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kan genoprette troen på demokratiske institutioner.
00:51
There is one more reason for you to be suspicious about me.
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Der er endnu en grund at være mistænkelig i forhold til mine intentioner.
00:55
You people, the Church of TED, are a very optimistic community.
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I, publikum i the Church of TED, er en del af et vældigt optimistisk fællesskab.
00:59
(Laughter)
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(Latter)
01:01
Basically you believe in complexity, but not in ambiguity.
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Jeres mest generelle karaktertræk er at I tror på kompleksitet, men ikke på flertydighed.
01:06
As you have been told, I'm Bulgarian.
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Som I er blevet fortalt, så er jeg fra Bulgarien.
01:09
And according to the surveys,
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I følge undersøgelser
01:10
we are marked the most pessimistic people in the world.
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er bulgarer de mest pessimistiske mennesker i verden.
01:14
(Laughter)
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(Latter)
01:16
The Economist magazine recently wrote an article
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The Economist skrev for nylig en artikel
01:19
covering one of the recent studies on happiness,
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der dækkede en ny undersøgelse a lykke.
01:22
and the title was "The Happy, the Unhappy and the Bulgarians."
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Titlen var "De lykkelige, de ulykkelige og bulgarerne".
01:27
(Laughter)
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(Latter)
01:28
So now when you know what to expect,
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Eftersom I nu ved hvad I kan forvente,
01:32
let's give you the story.
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så lad os komme i gang.
01:34
And this is a rainy election day in a small country --
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Vi starter på en regnvejrsfuld valgdag i et lille land.
01:39
that can be my country, but could be also your country.
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Det kunne være mit land, men det kunne også være dit.
01:42
And because of the rain until four o'clock in the afternoon,
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Det regnede indtil kl. 4 om eftermiddagen.
01:46
nobody went to the polling stations.
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Som en konsekvens heraf var der ingen, der begav sig ned til stemmeurnen.
01:48
But then the rain stopped,
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Men så stoppede regnen,
01:50
people went to vote.
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og befolkning gik ned for at stemme.
01:52
And when the votes had been counted,
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Da stemmerne var blevet talt,
01:56
three-fourths of the people have voted with a blank ballot.
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stod det klart, at tre fjerdedele stemmerne var blanke.
02:03
The government and the opposition,
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Regeringen og oppositionen
02:05
they have been simply paralyzed.
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var ude af stand til at handle.
02:08
Because you know what to do about the protests.
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De vidste hvordan de skulle forholde sig til protester.
02:10
You know who to arrest, who to negotiate with.
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De vidste hvem der skulle arresteres og hvem der skulle forhandles med.
02:12
But what to do about people who are voting with a blank ballot?
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Men hvordan forholder man sig til en befolkning, der stemmer blankt?
02:18
So the government decided to have the elections once again.
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Derfor besluttede regeringen sig for afholde endnu et valg.
02:22
And this time even a greater number,
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Ved dette valg stemte et endnu større antal,
02:24
83 percent of the people, voted with blank ballots.
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83 procent for at være præcis, blankt.
02:30
Basically they went to the ballot boxes
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Befolkningen gik simpelthen til stemmeurnen
02:32
to tell that they have nobody to vote for.
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for at fortælle politikerne, at de ikke havde nogen at stemme på.
02:35
This is the opening of a beautiful novel by Jose Saramago
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Det er begyndelsen Jose Saramagos
02:41
called "Seeing."
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fantastiske roman "Seeing".
02:42
But in my view it very well captures
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Men i mine øjne er det glimrende eksempel
02:44
part of the problem that we have with democracy in Europe these days.
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på en del af det problem vi har med demokrati i Europa nu til dags.
02:49
On one level nobody's questioning
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På den end side er der ingen der stiller spørgsmålstegn
02:51
that democracy is the best form of government.
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ved, at demokrati er den bedste styreform.
02:55
Democracy is the only game in town.
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Demokrati er det eneste spil man kan spille.
02:58
The problem is that many people start to believe
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Problemet er bare, at mange mennesker begynder at tro,
03:00
that it is not a game worth playing.
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at det ikke er et spil, der er værd at spille.
03:03
For the last 30 years, political scientists have observed
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I løbet af de senest 30 år har politologer observeret,
03:07
that there is a constant decline in electoral turnout,
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at der er et konstant fald i valgprocenter
03:12
and the people who are least interested to vote
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og at den del af befolkninger, der stemmer mindst
03:16
are the people whom you expect are going to gain most out of voting.
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er også den del af befolkningen, der ville have det største udbytte ved at stemme.
03:20
I mean the unemployed, the under-privileged.
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Her henviser jeg til arbejdsløse og samfundets bund.
03:24
And this is a major issue.
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Det er et kæmpe problem.
03:25
Because especially now with the economic crisis,
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I forbindelse med den nuværende økonomiske krise står det klart,
03:28
you can see that the trust in politics,
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at troen på på politik
03:31
that the trust in democratic institutions,
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og på demokratiske institutioner
03:33
was really destroyed.
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er blevet nedbrudt.
03:35
According to the latest survey being done by the European Commission,
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I følge den seneste under udført af EU-kommisionen
03:39
89 percent of the citizens of Europe believe that there is a growing gap
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mener 89 procent af borgerne i EU at der en stigning
03:44
between the opinion of the policy-makers and the opinion of the public.
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forskellen mellem politikernes holdninger og borgernes holdninger.
03:50
Only 18 percent of Italians and 15 percent of Greeks
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Kun 18 procent af italienerne og 15 procent grækerne
03:54
believe that their vote matters.
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tror at deres stemme gør en forskel.
03:57
Basically people start to understand that they can change governments,
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Kort sagt tror folk at de kan udskifte regeringer,
04:01
but they cannot change policies.
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men de har tabt troen på, at de kan ændre den førte politik.
04:04
And the question which I want to ask is the following:
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Spørgsmålet jeg ønsker at stille er følgende:
04:06
How did it happen that we are living in societies
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Hvordan er det sket, at samtidig med at vi lever i samfund
04:10
which are much freer than ever before --
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med mere frihed,
04:13
we have more rights, we can travel easier,
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flere rettigheder, større bevægelsesfrihed
04:15
we have access to more information --
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og lettere adgang til informationer
04:18
at the same time that trust in our democratic institutions
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at troen på demokratiske institutioner
04:21
basically has collapsed?
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er brudt sammen?
04:24
So basically I want to ask:
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Sagt med andre ord, så ønsker jeg at spørge:
04:25
What went right and what went wrong in these 50 years
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Hvad har vi gjort rigtigt og hvad har vi gjort forkert i de seneste 50 år
04:30
when we talk about democracy?
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med demokrati?
04:32
And I'll start with what went right.
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Jeg vil starte med hvad vi har gjort rigtigt.
04:36
And the first thing that went right was, of course,
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For det første var der selvfølgelig
04:39
these five revolutions which, in my view,
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de 5 revolutioner som i mine øjne
04:41
very much changed the way we're living and deepened our democratic experience.
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har ændret den måde vi lever på og forbedret vores demokrati radikalt.
04:46
And the first was the cultural and social revolution of 1968 and 1970s,
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Den første revolution var den kulturelle og sociale revolution som i 1968 of 1970'erne
04:51
which put the individual at the center of politics.
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satte individet i centrum af politik.
04:54
It was the human rights moment.
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Det var menneskerettighedsbevægelsen.
04:56
Basically this was also a major outbreak, a culture of dissent,
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Denne bevægelse medførte paradigmeskift, en kultur a holdningsforskelle,
05:00
a culture of basically non-conformism,
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en kultur af non-konformisme
05:04
which was not known before.
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af hidtil uset karakter.
05:06
So I do believe that even things like that
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Jeg tror at sådanne ændringer
05:09
are very much the children of '68 --
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er konsekvenser af ændringerne i 68.
05:12
nevertheless that most of us had been even not born then.
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Også selvom mange af os ikke engang var født.
05:16
But after that you have the market revolution of the 1980s.
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Derefter kom markedsrevolutionen i 1980'erne.
05:19
And nevertheless that many people on the left try to hate it,
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Til trods for at mange på venstrefløjen forsøger at hade den,
05:22
the truth is that it was very much the market revolution that sent the message:
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så er sandheden at markedsrevolutionen grundlagde ideen:
05:27
"The government does not know better."
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"Staten ved ikke bedre".
05:29
And you have more choice-driven societies.
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Således fostrede den samfund med flere muligheder og valg.
05:31
And of course, you have 1989 -- the end of Communism, the end of the Cold War.
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Derpå kom 1989. Kommunismens endeligt og enden på den kolde krig.
05:38
And it was the birth of the global world.
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Det var starten på den globale verden.
05:40
And you have the Internet.
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Dernæst kom internettet.
05:42
And this is not the audience to which I'm going to preach
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Det er ikke nødvendigt at overbevise dette publikum om,
05:45
to what extent the Internet empowered people.
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at internettet gav individet mere magt.
05:48
It has changed the way we are communicating
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Internettet har ændret den måde vi kommunikerer på
05:51
and basically we are viewing politics.
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og den måde vi betragter politik.
05:52
The very idea of political community totally has changed.
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Selve ideen om politisk fællesskab har ændret sig markant.
05:55
And I'm going to name one more revolution,
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Jeg vil dog nævne endnu en revolution.
05:58
and this is the revolution in brain sciences,
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Dette er revolutionen inden for hjerneforskning,
06:00
which totally changed the way
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som i den grad har ændret
06:01
we understand how people are making decisions.
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vores forståelse af beslutningsprocesser.
06:05
So this is what went right.
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Det var altså hvad der gik godt.
06:08
But if we're going to see what went wrong,
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Men hvis vi skal betragte hvad der gik mindre godt,
06:10
we're going to end up with the same five revolutions.
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så ender vi hos de samme fem revolutioner.
06:14
Because first you have the 1960s and 1970s,
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Først har har vi 1960'ernes og 1970'ernes
06:17
cultural and social revolution,
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sociale og kulturelle revolution,
06:19
which in a certain way destroyed the idea of a collective purpose.
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der på sin vis ødelagde ideen om et fælles formål.
06:22
The very idea, all these collective nouns that we have been taught about --
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Alle disse kollektive navneord som vi er blevet lært:
06:27
nation, class, family.
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nation, klasse, familie.
06:30
We start to like divorcing, if we're married at all.
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Vi begynder at synes om skilsmisser, hvis vi overhovedet bliver gift.
06:33
All this was very much under attack.
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Alle disse kollektive enheder var under angreb.
06:36
And it is so difficult to engage people in politics
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Det meget svært at engagere folk i politik
06:40
when they believe that what really matters
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hvis de er af den overbevisning, at det eneste der betyder noget
06:43
is where they personally stand.
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er hvor de står personligt.
06:45
And you have the market revolution of the 1980s
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Så kom markedsrevolutionen i 80'erne
06:49
and the huge increase of inequality in societies.
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med den store forøgelse i ulighed.
06:55
Remember, until the 1970s,
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Kan i huske at indtil 1970'erne
06:57
the spread of democracy has always been accompanied
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var udbredelsen af demokrati forbundet
07:01
by the decline of inequality.
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med et fald i ulighed.
07:04
The more democratic our societies have been,
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Desto mere demokratiske vores samfund er blevet,
07:06
the more equal they have been becoming.
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desto mere lige er de blevet.
07:10
Now we have the reverse tendency.
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Nu har vi den modsatte tendens.
07:12
The spread of democracy now is very much accompanied
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Udbredelsen af demokrati er i høj grad forbundet
07:15
by the increase in inequality.
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med stigninger i ulighed.
07:17
And I find this very much disturbing
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Dette finder jeg dybt problematisk
07:20
when we're talking about what's going on right and wrong
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når drejer sig om hvad vi gør rigtigt og forkert
07:24
with democracy these days.
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i forhold til demokrati nu til dags.
07:26
And if you go to 1989 --
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Hvis vi så bevæger os videre til 1989.
07:28
something that basically you don't expect that anybody's going to criticize --
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Her har vi noget som vi antager, at ingen vil kritisere,
07:32
but many are going to tell you, "Listen, it was the end of the Cold War
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men mange vil sige: "Hør nu her, det var enden på den kolde krig
07:36
that tore the social contract between the elites and the people in Western Europe."
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der ødelagde den sociale kontrakt mellem eliten og folket i Vesteuropa.
07:41
When the Soviet Union was still there,
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Da Sovjetunionen fortsat eksisterede
07:43
the rich and the powerful, they needed the people,
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havde de rige og magtfulde behov for folket
07:46
because they feared them.
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fordi de frygtede dem.
07:48
Now the elites basically have been liberated.
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Nu er eliter mere eller mindre sat fri.
07:52
They're very mobile. You cannot tax them.
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De er meget mobile. Du kan ikke beskatte dem.
07:54
And basically they don't fear the people.
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De frygter ikke folket.
07:56
So as a result of it, you have this very strange situation
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Som en konsekvens heraf har vi fået denne meget mærkværdige situation
07:59
in which the elites basically got out of the control of the voters.
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hvor eliten kom uden for demokratiets kontrol.
08:04
So this is not by accident
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Det er derfor ikke et tilfælde
08:05
that the voters are not interested to vote anymore.
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at folket ikke har en interesse i at stemme længere.
08:08
And when we talk about the Internet,
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Og når det kommer til internettet,
08:10
yes, it's true, the Internet connected all of us,
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ja, det er sandt at internettet har bragt os tættere sammen,
08:13
but we also know that the Internet created these echo chambers and political ghettos
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men vi ved samtidig at internet har skabt ekkodale og politiske ghettoer,
08:20
in which for all your life you can stay with the political community you belong to.
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hvor vi for resten af vores liv kan blive sammen med det politiske fællesskab som hører til.
08:25
And it's becoming more and more difficult
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Det bliver sværere og sværere
08:27
to understand the people who are not like you.
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at forstå de mennesker som ikke er som os selv.
08:29
I know that many people here
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Jeg ved, at mange mennesker her
08:31
have been splendidly speaking about the digital world and the possibility for cooperation,
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har snakket ivrigt om den digitale verden og muligheden for samarbejde,
08:36
but [have you] seen what the digital world has done to American politics these days?
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men har I set hvad den digitale verden har gjort ved moderne amerikansk politik?
08:40
This is also partly a result of the Internet revolution.
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Dette er også til dels på grund af internetrevolutionen.
08:44
This is the other side of the things that we like.
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Dette er bagsiden af medaljen.
08:47
And when you go to the brain sciences,
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Og i forhold til hjerneforskning,
08:49
what political consultants learned from the brain scientists
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så har politiske konsulenter lært af hjerneforskere
08:53
is don't talk to me about ideas anymore,
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at man ikke skal snakke om ideer
08:56
don't talk to me about policy programs.
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og at man ikke skal tale om politiske programmer.
08:59
What really matters is basically to manipulate the emotions of the people.
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Hvad der virkelig betyder noget er at manipulere med folkets følelser.
09:04
And you have this very strongly
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Derudover er den stærke tendens til,
09:06
to the extent that, even if you see when we talk about revolutions these days,
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at når vi snakker om revolutioner nu til dags,
09:11
these revolutions are not named anymore around ideologies or ideas.
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så er revolutionerne ikke nævnt ved navne, der associeres med ideologier og ideer.
09:17
Before, revolutions used to have ideological names.
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Før i tiden havde revolutioner ideologiske navne.
09:19
They could be communist, they could be liberal,
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De kunne være kommunistiske eller liberale.
09:21
they could be fascist or Islamic.
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De kunne være fascistiske eller islamiske.
09:23
Now the revolutions are called under the medium which is most used.
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Nu bliver revolutionerne navngivet efter det medium som er mest brugt.
09:27
You have Facebook revolutions, Twitter revolutions.
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Vi har Facebook-revolutioner og Twitter-revolutioner.
09:30
The content doesn't matter anymore, the problem is the media.
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Indholdet har ingen betydning. Problemet er medierne.
09:35
I'm saying this because one of my major points
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jeg siger dette fordi en af mine hovedpointer er,
09:37
is what went right is also what went wrong.
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at hvad der gik galt var også hvad der gik godt.
09:42
And when we're now trying to see how we can change the situation,
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Og når vi nu kigger på hvordan vi kan ændre situationen,
09:46
when basically we're trying to see what can be done about democracy,
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når vi kigger hvordan vi kan forbedre demokratiet,
09:49
we should keep this ambiguity in mind.
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bør vi have disse dobbelttydigheder i baghovedet.
09:51
Because probably some of the things that we love most
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De ting som vi elsker aller højest er formentlig
09:54
are going to be also the things that can hurt us most.
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også de ting som kan skade os mest.
09:58
These days it's very popular to believe
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Nu til dags er det meget populært at tro,
10:01
that this push for transparency,
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at denne bevægelse mod gennemsigtighed,
10:03
this kind of a combination between active citizens, new technologies
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denne kombination mellem aktivt medborgerskab, nye teknologier,
10:09
and much more transparency-friendly legislation
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og meget mere transparens-venlig lovgivning
10:13
can restore trust in politics.
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kan genoprette troen på politik.
10:16
You believe that when you have these new technologies and people who are ready to use this,
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Vi tror at når vi har nye teknologier, og folk er klar til at bruge dem,
10:20
it can make it much more difficult for the governments to lie,
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så vil det gøre det meget sværere for regeringer at lyve,
10:24
it's going to be more difficult for them to steal
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og meget sværere for dem at stjæle
10:26
and probably even going to be more difficult for them to kill.
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og måske endda gøre det svære for dem at dræbe.
10:30
This is probably true.
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Det er muligvis sandt.
10:32
But I do believe that we should be also very clear
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Men jeg mener at vi må gøre det klar,
10:35
that now when we put the transparency at the center of politics
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at vi sætter transparens i centrum af politik.
10:40
where the message is, "It's transparency, stupid."
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Præcis der hvor budskabet er at transparens er åndssvagt.
10:44
Transparency is not about restoring trust in institutions.
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Transparens handler ikke om at genoprette troen på institutioner.
10:47
Transparency is politics' management of mistrust.
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Transparens er politisk styring af mistro.
10:52
We are assuming that our societies are going to be based on mistrust.
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Vi antager at vores samfund vil blive baseret på mistro.
10:57
And by the way, mistrust was always very important for democracy.
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Og i øvrigt så var mistro altid vigtigt for demokrati.
10:59
This is why you have checks and balances.
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Det er der for at vi har en opdeling af magten.
11:02
This is why basically you have all this creative mistrust
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Det derfor at vi har en masse kreativ mistro
11:06
between the representatives and those whom they represent.
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mellem repræsentanterne og dem de repræsenterer.
11:09
But when politics is only management of mistrust,
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Men når politik kun er styring af mistro,
11:14
then -- I'm very glad that "1984" has been mentioned --
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så er jeg ovenud lykkelig for at "1984" er blevet beskrevet
11:17
now we're going to have "1984" in reverse.
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nu hvor vi vil opleve "1984" i på hovedet.
11:20
It's not going to be the Big Brother watching you,
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Det handler ikke om at Big Brother holder øje med dig,
11:23
it's going to be we being the Big Brother
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men snarere om at vi er Big Brother
11:25
watching the political class.
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der overvåger politikerne.
11:27
But is this the idea of a free society?
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Men er dette ideen om et frit samfund?
11:30
For example, can you imagine
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Kan i for eksempel forestille jer,
11:32
that decent, civic, talented people are going to run for office
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at ordentlige, civile, talentfulde mennesker vil være politikere
11:38
if they really do believe
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hvis de oprigtigt tror
11:40
that politics is also about managing mistrust?
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at politik handler om at styre mistro?
11:44
Are you not afraid with all these technologies
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Er I ikke bange for alle disse teknologier,
11:47
that are going to track down
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der vil spore
11:49
any statement the politicians are going to make on certain issues,
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ethvert udsagn en politiker giver?
11:52
are you not afraid that this is going to be a very strong signal to politicians
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Er I ikke bange for at dette vil sende et stærkt signal til politikerne
11:56
to repeat their positions, even the very wrong positions,
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om konsistens, uanset om det er forkert eller ej,
12:01
because consistency is going to be more important than common sense?
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fordi konsistens ender med at være vigtigere end sund fornuft?
12:05
And the Americans who are in the room,
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Og til de amerikanere der er til stede idag,
12:06
are you not afraid that your presidents are going to govern
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er I ikke bange for at jeres præsidenter vil regere
12:09
on the basis of what they said in the primary elections?
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baseret på hvad de sagde i primærvalgene?
12:13
I find this extremely important,
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Jeg synes at dette er yderst vigtigt
12:15
because democracy is about people changing their views
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fordi demokrati handler om at vi ændrer vores holdninger
12:19
based on rational arguments and discussions.
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baseret på rationelle argumenter og diskussioner.
12:22
And we can lose this with the very noble idea
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Og vi kan miste den meget noble
12:25
to keep people accountable
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der handler om at holde folk ansvarlige
12:27
for showing the people that we're not going to tolerate
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for at vise folk at vi ikke vil tolerere
12:30
politicians the opportunism in politics.
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politisk opportunisme.
12:33
So for me this is extremely important.
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For mig er dette ekstremt vigtigt.
12:35
And I do believe that when we're discussing politics these days,
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Jeg mener, at når vi diskuterer politik i dag,
12:38
probably it makes sense
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så giver det mening
12:41
to look also at this type of a story.
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at kigge på dette scenarie.
12:44
But also don't forget, any unveiling is also veiling.
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Men husk også, at enhver afsløring er også en sløring.
12:48
[Regardless of] how transparent our governments want to be,
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Uanset hvor transparente vores regeringer vil være,
12:51
they're going to be selectively transparent.
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så vil de være selektivt transparente.
12:54
In a small country that could be my country,
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I et lille land, det kunne for eksempel være mit land,
12:56
but could be also your country,
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men det kunne også være dit land,
12:57
they took a decision -- it is a real case story --
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tog de en beslutning, det er en rigtig historie,
12:59
that all of the governmental decisions,
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om at alle regeringsbeslutninger og
13:02
discussions of the council of ministers,
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diskussioner i ministerhøringer
13:05
were going to be published on the Internet
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skule offentliggøres på internettet
13:08
24 hours after the council discussions took place.
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24 timer efter diskussionen fandt sted.
13:12
And the public was extremely all for it.
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Folket synes godt virkelig godt om det.
13:14
So I had the opportunity to talk to the prime minister,
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Jeg fik muligheden for at snakke med premierministeren
13:17
why he made this decision.
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om grundlaget for denne beslutning.
13:18
He said, "Listen, this is the best way
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Han sagde: "Hør nu her, det er den bedste måde
13:20
to keep the mouths of my ministers closed.
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at få alle mine ministre til at tie stille.
13:25
Because it's going to be very difficult for them to dissent
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For det vil være meget svært for at skifte mening
13:28
knowing that 24 hours after
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velvidende at 24 timer efter
13:30
this is going to be on the public space,
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vil deres udsagn være offentlige,
13:32
and this is in a certain way going to be a political crisis."
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hvilket vil medføre en politisk krise."
13:36
So when we talk about transparency,
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Så når vi snakker om transparens,
13:37
when we talk about openness,
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og når vi snakker om åbenhed,
13:39
I really do believe that what we should keep in mind
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mener jeg virkelig at vi skal huske
13:41
is that what went right is what went wrong.
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hvad der gik godt og hvad der gik skidt.
13:45
And this is Goethe, who is neither Bulgarian nor a political scientist,
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Dette er Goethe, som hverken er bulgarer eller politolog,
13:49
some centuries ago he said,
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der for nogle hundrede år siden sagde:
13:52
"There is a big shadow where there is much light."
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"Der er en stor skygge hvor der der er meget lys".
13:55
Thank you very much.
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Mange tak.
13:56
(Applause)
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(Bifald)
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Ivan Krastev - Public intellectualFrom his home base in Bulgaria, Ivan Krastev thinks about democracy -- and how to reframe it.
Why you should listen
Political scientist Ivan Krastev is watching the Euro crisis closely, fascinated by what it reveals about Europe's place in history: What does it mean for the democratic model? Will a fragmented Europe return to nationalist identity politics?
In his latest work, Krastev places recent events on a continuum of five revolutions over the past decades:
+ The socio-cultural revolution of the 1960s.
+ Market revolutions of the 1980s.
+ Central Europe in 1989 (which brought socio-cultural and market revolutions together).
+ The communications revolution.
+ And finally the revolution in neurosciences, which lays bare the irrationality and emotional manipulation in popular politics.
As a result of these five great changes, we've become extremely open and connected, while on the flipside cementing a mistrust of elites. Can democracy flourish when a mistrust of elites is a permanent feature?
Krastev is the chair of the Centre for Liberal Strategies, in Sofia, a research and analysis NGO.
Ivan Krastev | Speaker | TED.com