ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law.

Why you should listen

Noah Feldman is a professor and writer who tries to figure out how to make the government follow the rules; what the rules are that the government has to follow; and what to do if the rules are being broken. In his work, he asks questions like: How can a 225-year-old constitutional blueprint still work? Can you design a new and better constitution from scratch in places like Iraq and Tunisia? What rights do we have, really?

Feldman is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and a contributing writer for Bloomberg View. He served as senior constitutional advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, and advised members of the Iraqi Governing Council on the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law or interim constitution. He is writing a biography on James Madison, principal author of the Constitution and fourth president of the US; it's forthcoming in 2017.

Feldman is the author of six other books: Cool War: The Future of Global Competition (Random House, 2013); Scorpions: The Battles and Triumphs of FDR’s Great Supreme Court Justices (Twelve Publishing, 2010); The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State (Princeton University Press, 2008); Divided By God: America's Church-State Problem and What We Should Do About It (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2005); What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation-building (Princeton University Press 2004) and After Jihad: America and the Struggle for Islamic Democracy (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2003. He most recently co-authored two textbooks: Constitutional Law, Eighteenth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013) and First Amendment Law, Fifth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013).

More profile about the speaker
Noah Feldman | Speaker | TED.com
TED2003

Noah Feldman: Politics and religion are technologies

諾厄·費爾德曼把政治和宗教視為技術機制

Filmed:
442,154 views

諾厄·費爾德曼精闢的提出政治和宗教皆為相似的技術,即使它們南轅北轍,但在設計上都能有效地聯繫和管理人群。
- Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
I want to argue爭論 to you that in fact事實, politics政治 and religion宗教,
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我想論證的是:其實,政治和宗教--
00:17
which哪一個 are the two primary factors因素 --
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這兩個因素--
00:19
not the sole唯一, but overwhelmingly壓倒性, the primary factors因素 --
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雖非唯一,卻絕對是最主要的因素,
00:22
which哪一個 are driving主動 towards a war戰爭 which哪一個 looks容貌 extremely非常 likely容易 --
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把我們推向一個戰爭的邊緣,
00:25
bordering接壤 on the inevitable必然 at this point,
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可以說是到了一觸即發的地步,
00:27
whether是否 one is in favor偏愛 of that or not --
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無論你喜歡這個說法與否,
00:29
that politics政治 and religion宗教 are, in fact事實, themselves他們自己
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政治和宗教本質上
00:32
better conceptualized概念化 as kinds of technology技術,
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都可被理解為一種技術,
00:36
and subject學科 to kinds of questions問題 that we regularly經常 consider考慮
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我們可以用設計概念
00:41
in the space空間 of conceptual概念上的 design設計.
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去分析她們。
00:44
Here's這裡的 what I mean. Politics政治 and --
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讓我解釋一下,
00:47
let's focus焦點 on the political政治 system系統 in particular特定 question here,
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先看政治制度的一種--
00:50
which哪一個 is the system系統 of democracy民主.
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民主政治,
00:52
Democracy民主, as a type類型 of politics政治, is a technology技術
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民主,作為一種政治制度,是一種
00:56
for the control控制 and deployment部署 of power功率.
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用來控制和行使權力的技術,
00:58
You can deploy部署 power功率 in a wide range範圍 of ways方法.
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我們可以用多種不同的方法使用權力,
01:01
The famous著名 ones那些 -- despotism獨裁 is a good one;
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人所共知的有「獨裁統治」,
01:03
anarchy無政府狀態 is a way to not deploy部署 the power功率 in any organized有組織的 way,
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「無政府狀態」是一種權力運用缺乏組織、
01:06
to do it in a radically根本 diffused擴散的 fashion時尚;
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散漫無章的狀態;
01:08
and democracy民主 is a set of technologies技術,
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而民主是一套科技,
01:10
which哪一個 have the effect影響 of, in principle原理,
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原則上她要達到的效果是:
01:13
diffusing擴散 the power功率 source資源 to a large number of people
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把權力來源分散到大眾,
01:16
and then re-concentrating再濃縮 it in a smaller group of people who govern治理,
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再重新集合到負責管治的少數人,
01:19
and who themselves他們自己 are, in principle原理, authorized合法 to govern治理
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而他們原則上是憑藉大眾所作的選擇,
01:23
by virtue美德 of what the broader更廣泛 public上市 has doneDONE.
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而被授權去管治;
01:26
Now, consider考慮 religion宗教 -- in this case案件 Islam伊斯蘭教,
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現在來看看宗教,我以回教作論,
01:29
which哪一個 is the religion宗教 that, in some direct直接 sense,
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她可以說是一手造成
01:32
can be said to be precipitating沉澱 what we're about to enter輸入.
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我們將要面臨的處境的宗教。
01:36
Let me say parenthetically附帶說明 why I think that's the case案件,
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這可以是很有爭議性的說法,
01:38
because I think it's a potentially可能 controversial爭論的 statement聲明.
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所以讓我順帶解釋一下,
01:41
I would put it in the following以下 equation方程: no 9/11, no war戰爭.
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一言敝之:沒有9/11,就沒有戰爭;
01:45
At the beginning開始 of the Bush襯套 administration行政,
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在布殊上台之初,
01:49
when President主席 Bush襯套, now President主席 Bush襯套, was running賽跑 for president主席,
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當布殊總統還在競選的時候,
01:52
he made製作 it very clear明確 that he was not interested有興趣 in intervening介入 broadly寬廣地 in the world世界.
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他明確的表示他沒有興趣在世界舞台上大展拳腳;
01:55
In fact事實, the trend趨勢 was for disengagement解脫 with the rest休息 of the world世界.
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其實,當時的大勢是要撤離國際上的參與,
01:58
That's why we heard聽說 about the backing後盾 away from the Kyoto京都 protocol協議, for example.
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我們在京都議定書問題上退下來就是一例,
02:02
After 9/11, the tables were turned轉身.
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9/11之後,形勢改變了,
02:05
And the president主席 decided決定, with his advisors顧問,
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總統和他的幕僚決定,
02:08
to undertake承擔 some kind of an active活性 intervention介入 in the world世界 around us.
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在國際上要採取主動,
02:12
That began開始 with Afghanistan阿富汗,
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行動由阿富汗開始,
02:14
and when Afghanistan阿富汗 went extremely非常 smoothly順利 and quickly很快,
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當在阿富汗的任務進行得那麼順利快速,
02:17
a decision決定 was made製作 through通過 the technology技術 of democracy民主 --
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在民主的技術機制下--
02:21
again, notice注意, not a perfect完善 technology技術 --
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請留意,那不是完美的機制,
02:24
but through通過 the technology技術 of democracy民主
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但是通過民主的技術機制--
02:26
that this administration行政 was going to push in the direction方向 of another另一個 war戰爭 --
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這個政府決定開始推展另一場戰爭,
02:29
this time, a war戰爭 in Iraq伊拉克.
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這次戰場在伊拉克,
02:31
Now, the reason原因 I begin開始 by saying "no 9/11, no war戰爭"
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我之所以說:沒有9/11,就沒有戰爭,
02:36
is that we have to acknowledge確認 that Islam伊斯蘭教,
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是因為我們要認識到,
02:40
as interpreted解讀 by a very, very small, extremely非常 radical激進 group of people,
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回教在一群很少數、很極端的人演繹之下,
02:46
was a precipitating沉澱 cause原因 of the 9/11 attacks攻擊 --
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成為了9/11襲擊的決定性導因,
02:50
the precipitating沉澱 cause原因 of the 9/11 attacks攻擊 --
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她是9/11襲擊的決定性導因,
02:52
and as a consequence後果, at one degree of remove去掉,
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隨著事情的發展,她亦是
02:55
the precipitating沉澱 cause原因 of the coming未來 war戰爭 that we're about to be engaged訂婚 in.
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我們將要面臨的戰爭的決定性導因,
02:59
And I would add that bin箱子 Laden拉登 and his followers追隨者
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我要註明,拉登和他的追隨者,
03:02
are consciously自覺 devoted忠誠 to the goal目標 of creating創建 a conflict衝突 between之間 democracy民主,
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刻意製造和挑撥民主和伊斯蘭世界間的矛盾,
03:07
or at least最小 capitalist資本家 democracy民主, on the one hand,
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一面是資本主義民主,
03:10
and the world世界 of Islam伊斯蘭教 as they see and define確定 it.
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一面是他們眼中的伊斯蘭世界。
03:14
Now, how is Islam伊斯蘭教 a technology技術 in this conceptual概念上的 apparatus儀器?
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好了,回教在這個概念上又是那一門的技術呢?
03:17
Well, it's a technology技術 for, first, salvation救恩 in its most basic基本 sense.
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首先,她的根本性是救贖的機制,
03:21
It's meant意味著 to be a mechanism機制 for construing詮釋 the universe宇宙
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她的原意是演繹宇宙的一種方式,
03:24
in a way that will bring帶來 about the salvation救恩 of the individual個人 believer信徒,
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讓信徒從而獲得救贖,
03:28
but it's also meant意味著 by the Islamists伊斯蘭教徒 --
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但對信奉回教的
03:30
and I use that term術語 to mean people who believe that Islam伊斯蘭教 --
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伊斯蘭信徒來講,
03:34
they follow跟隨 the slogan口號, Islam伊斯蘭教 is the answer回答 to a wide range範圍 of questions問題,
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伊斯蘭能解答各種問題,
03:37
whether是否 they're social社會, or political政治, or personal個人, or spiritual精神.
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無論是社會的、政治的、個人的或靈性的,
03:40
Within the sphere領域 of people who have that view視圖,
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這類信徒組成
03:42
and it's a large number of people in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界
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穆斯林世界的大部分,
03:44
who disagree不同意 with bin箱子 Laden拉登 in his application應用,
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他們雖然不同意拉登的手法,
03:46
but agree同意 that Islam伊斯蘭教 is the answer回答.
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卻同意在伊斯蘭能找到答案;
03:48
Islam伊斯蘭教 represents代表 a way of engaging the world世界
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伊斯蘭代表一種處世之道,
03:51
through通過 which哪一個 one can achieve實現 certain某些 desirable合意 goals目標.
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她能讓人達到一些高尚的目標,
03:54
And the goals目標 from the perspective透視 of Muslims穆斯林 are, in principle原理,
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用回教徒的角度,
03:58
peace和平, justice正義 and equality平等,
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和平、公義和平等原則上都是他們所追求的,
04:01
but on terms條款 that correspond對應 to traditional傳統 Muslim穆斯林 teachings教導.
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但是要根據傳統穆斯林教化而詮釋;
04:05
Now, I don't want to leave離開 a misimpression錯誤印象
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好了,請不要誤會,
04:08
by identifying識別 either of these propositions命題 --
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我指出這兩個提議--
04:11
rather, either of these phenomena現象, democracy民主 or Islam伊斯蘭教 -- as technologies技術.
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應該說是這兩個現象:民主和伊斯蘭,都是技術,
04:15
I don't want to suggest建議 that they are a single thing that you can point to.
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並不表示她們是同一樣的實物,
04:18
And I think a good way to prove證明 this
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一個解釋的好方法,
04:20
is simply只是 to demonstrate演示 to you what my thought process處理 was
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就是讓你替我想想,我在演講時,
04:23
when deciding決定 what to put on the wall behind背後 me when I spoke.
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在後面的牆上應放些甚麼,
04:26
And I ran immediately立即 into a conceptual概念上的 problem問題:
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我立即遇到一個概念問題,
04:28
you can't show顯示 a picture圖片 of democracy民主.
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你不能用圖片表達民主,
04:30
You can show顯示 a slogan口號, or a symbol符號, or a sign標誌 that stands站立 for democracy民主.
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你可以展示口號,或者一個符號,或一個代表民主的標誌,
04:35
You can show顯示 the Capitol國會大廈 --
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你可以展示美國國會大廈,
04:36
I had the same相同 problem問題 when I was designing設計 the cover
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當我設計我的新書封面時
04:38
of my forthcoming即將到來 book, in fact事實 --
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已遇到同樣的問題,
04:40
what do you put on the cover to show顯示 democracy民主?
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用甚麼圖像來表達民主呢?
04:42
And the same相同 problem問題 with respect尊重 to Islam伊斯蘭教.
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對伊斯蘭亦有同樣的問題,
04:44
You can show顯示 a mosque清真寺, or you can show顯示 worshippers崇拜者,
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你可以用清真寺,或朝拜者,
04:46
but there's not a straightforward直截了當 way of depicting描繪 Islam伊斯蘭教.
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但卻沒有一個直接描繪伊斯蘭的方法,
04:48
That's because these are the kinds of concepts概念
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因為這些是
04:50
that are not susceptible易感 to easy簡單 representation表示.
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不容易表達的概念;
04:53
Now, it follows如下 from that, that they're deeply contestable爭論的.
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亦因此,它們是深具爭議性的,
04:56
It follows如下 from that that all of the people in the world世界
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亦因此,世界上所有
04:59
who say that they are Muslims穆斯林 can, in principle原理,
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自稱是回教徒的人,在原則上,
05:01
subscribe訂閱 to a wide range範圍 of different不同 interpretations解讀
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能信奉各種不同對伊斯蘭真義的演繹,
05:04
of what Islam伊斯蘭教 really is, and the same相同 is true真正 of democracy民主.
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民主亦然,
05:09
In other words, unlike不像 the word hope希望,
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換句話說,有別於那些辭--例如「希望」,
05:12
which哪一個 one could look up in a dictionary字典 and derive派生 origins起源 for,
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你能在字典上查到出處,
05:16
and, perhaps也許, reach達到 some kind of a consensual兩廂情願 use analysis分析,
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或能找到某種公認的用法,
05:19
these are essentially實質上 contested爭議 concepts概念.
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這些名詞的概念本身就具爭議,
05:21
They're ideas思路 about which哪一個 people disagree不同意 in the deepest最深 possible可能 sense.
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是人們在最根本的意義上有不同看法的,
05:27
And as a consequence後果 of this disagreement異議,
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由此,
05:30
it's very, very difficult for anyone任何人 to say,
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我們不可以說:
05:32
"I have the right version of Islam伊斯蘭教."
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「我對伊斯蘭的理解就是正確的版本。」
05:34
You know, post-9/11, we were treated治療 to the amazing驚人 phenomenon現象
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在9/11之後,我們親歷這個奇異的現象,
05:37
of George喬治 W. Bush襯套 saying, "Islam伊斯蘭教 means手段 peace和平."
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布殊說:「伊斯蘭即是和平。」
05:40
Well, so says George喬治 W. Bush襯套.
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好吧,那是布殊的說法,
05:43
Other people would say it means手段 something else其他.
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其他人會說伊斯蘭是其他東西,
05:45
Some people would say that Islam伊斯蘭教 means手段 submission服從.
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一些人會說伊斯蘭即是「順從」,
05:47
Other people would say it means手段 an acknowledgement承認
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其他人會說伊斯蘭是對神的管治
05:49
or recognition承認 of God's sovereignty主權.
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的認同和理解,
05:51
There are a wide range範圍 of different不同 things that Islam伊斯蘭教 can mean.
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伊斯蘭的可以有很多不同的演繹;
05:54
And ostensibly表面上, the same相同 is true真正 of democracy民主.
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似乎民主也是一樣,
05:56
Some people say that democracy民主 consists basically基本上 in elections選舉.
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一些人說民主基本體現在選舉中,
05:59
Other people say no, that's not enough足夠,
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其他人卻不認同,認為這個解說不全面,
06:01
there have to be basic基本 liberal自由主義的 rights權利: free自由 speech言語, free自由 press, equality平等 of citizens公民.
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民主還要有基本的自由權利:言論、出版的自由和人民的平等,
06:05
These are contested爭議 points, and it's impossible不可能 to answer回答 them by saying,
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這些是爭議點,我們不可以這樣回答:
06:08
"Ah ha, I looked看著 in the right place地點, and I found發現 out what these concepts概念 mean."
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「啊,我已經在適當的地方查過,並找出這些概念的意思。」
06:12
Now, if Islam伊斯蘭教 and democracy民主 are at present當下
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如果,現在伊斯蘭和民主在這一刻,
06:16
in a moment時刻 of great confrontation對抗,
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來一個大對決,
06:18
what does that mean?
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那是甚麼意思?
06:20
Well, you could fit適合 it into a range範圍 of different不同 interpretative解釋性 frameworks構架.
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你可以用不同的框架去詮釋,
06:24
You could begin開始 with the one that we began開始 with a couple一對 of days ago,
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其一是前兩天我們講過的,
06:27
which哪一個 was fear恐懼.
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那就是「恐懼」,
06:29
Fear恐懼 is not an implausible難以置信 reaction反應 with a war戰爭 just around the corner
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在戰爭一觸即發之際,「恐懼」並非不可理解的回應,
06:34
and with a very, very high likelihood可能性 that many許多, many許多 people are going to die
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有很多人很可能因此送命,
06:37
as a consequence後果 of this confrontation對抗 --
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由於這次對決--
06:39
a confrontation對抗 which哪一個 many許多, many許多 people
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一個很多回教世界的人
06:41
in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界 do not want,
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不想見到的對決,
06:43
many許多, many許多 people in the American美國 democracy民主 do not want,
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很多美式民主世界的人不想見到的對決,
06:46
many許多 people elsewhere別處 in the world世界 do not want,
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很多世界各地的人都不想見到的對決,
06:48
but which哪一個 nonetheless儘管如此, is favored青睞 by a large enough足夠 number of people --
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但不論如何,卻有一班足夠多的人,
06:51
at least最小 in the relevant相應 space空間, which哪一個 is the United聯合的 States狀態 --
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至少在關鍵的地方--美國--
06:55
to actually其實 go forward前鋒. So fear恐懼 is not a crazy response響應 at all.
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認為應該進行,所以「恐懼」並非不理性的反應,
06:58
And I think that that's, in fact事實, probably大概 the first appropriate適當 response響應.
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而我認為,那其實可能是第一個合理的反應,
07:02
What I want to suggest建議 to you, though雖然, in the next下一個 couple一對 of minutes分鐘
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但我想在以下的時間向你提出的是,
07:05
is that there's also a hopeful有希望 response響應 to this.
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另一個回應是「希望」,
07:09
And the hopeful有希望 response響應 derives導出 from recognizing認識
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「希望」源於我們認識到
07:12
that Islam伊斯蘭教 and democracy民主 are technologies技術.
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伊斯蘭和民主都是一種技術機制,
07:14
And by virtue美德 of being存在 technologies技術, they're manipulable可操縱.
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既然她們是機制,即是可以受操控,
07:17
And they're manipulable可操縱 in ways方法
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在操控之下達致
07:19
that can produce生產 some extremely非常 positive outcomes結果.
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一些極之正面的結果,
07:21
What do I have in mind心神?
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我的意思是甚麼呢?
07:23
Well, all over the Muslim穆斯林 world世界 there are people
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在回教世界中,有些人
07:26
who take Islam伊斯蘭教 deeply seriously認真地, people who care關心 about Islam伊斯蘭教,
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極之嚴肅的對待伊斯蘭,他們關心伊斯蘭,
07:30
for whom it's a source資源 either of faith信仰, or of civilization文明, or of deep values,
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對他們來說,伊斯蘭可能是信念、是文明、是深層的價值,
07:34
or just a source資源 of powerful強大 personal個人 identity身分,
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又或是強烈的個人身份認同,
07:36
who think and are saying loudly高聲 that Islam伊斯蘭教 and democracy民主
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他們認為伊斯蘭和民主其實並無衝突,
07:40
are in fact事實 not in conflict衝突, but are in fact事實 deeply compatible兼容.
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反而是深深的共融,他們並大力宣揚這個信念;
07:44
And these Muslims穆斯林 -- and it's the vast廣大 majority多數 of Muslims穆斯林 --
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而這些回教徒--他們是大多數--
07:47
disagree不同意 profoundly深深 with bin箱子 Laden's拉登的 approach途徑, profoundly深深.
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徹底反對拉登的手法,
07:52
And they furthermore此外 think overwhelmingly壓倒性 --
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他們絕大多數的呼聲--
07:55
again one can't speak說話 of every一切 person, but overwhelmingly壓倒性,
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雖然我們不能代每一個人說話,但他們肯定是大多數--
07:57
and one can find this by reading any of the sources來源
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但我們在各資訊媒體找到他們的呼聲,
07:59
that they have produced生成, and they're all over the Internet互聯網
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在互聯網上很容易找到他們
08:02
and in all sorts排序 of languages語言 -- one can see that they're saying
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以各種語言,宣揚他們的聲音,
08:05
that their concern關心 in their own擁有 countries國家 is primarily主要 to free自由 up themselves他們自己
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他們所關注的,是在各自國家怎樣解放自己,
08:11
to have choice選擇 in the spheres of personal個人 life,
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在個人生活上、經濟上、政治上、
08:15
in the sphere領域 of economics經濟學, in the sphere領域 of politics政治,
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怎樣有所選擇,
08:18
and, yes, in the sphere領域 of religion宗教,
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甚至是宗教上--
08:20
which哪一個 is itself本身 closely密切 regulated調控 in most of the Muslim穆斯林 world世界.
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一個在穆斯林世界中嚴密控制的範疇--有所選擇;
08:23
And many許多 of these Muslims穆斯林 further進一步 say
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很多這些回教徒進而認為,
08:25
that their disagreement異議 with the United聯合的 States狀態
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他們反對美國的,
08:28
is that it, in the past過去 and still in the present當下,
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在於美國在過去,甚至現在,
08:31
has sided雙面 with autocratic專制 rulers統治者 in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界
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都站在回教世界中的專制統治者一方,
08:35
in order訂購 to promote促進 America's美國 short-term短期 interests利益.
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只為了提升美國的短期利益;
08:41
Now, during the Cold War戰爭, that may可能 have been
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在冷戰時期,那還可以說是
08:43
a defensible可防禦 position位置 for the United聯合的 States狀態 to take.
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美國自我防衛的一種取態,
08:45
That's an academic學術的 question.
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那可以是一個學術討論,
08:47
It may可能 be that there was a great war戰爭 to be fought戰鬥 between之間 West西 and East,
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可能在東西方的大角力中,
08:50
and it was necessary必要 on the axis of democracy民主 against反對 communism共產主義.
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必須建立民主軸心同盟以對抗社會主義,
08:54
And it was necessary必要 in some way for these to contradict頂撞 each other,
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有必要讓這兩種東西在某方面互相對立,
08:57
and as a consequence後果 you have to make friends朋友 wherever哪裡 you can get them.
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於是,誰跟你做朋友,你也只好接受了,
09:00
But now that the Cold War戰爭 is over,
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但現在冷戰已經結束,
09:02
there's nearly幾乎 universal普遍 consensus共識 in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界 --
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在回教世界裏,差不多所有人都有共識,
09:06
and pretty漂亮 close to the same相同 here in the United聯合的 States狀態,
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而在美國也是一樣,
09:08
if you talk to people and ask them --
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如果你問他們,
09:10
that in principle原理, there's no reason原因 that democracy民主 and Islam伊斯蘭教 cannot不能 co-exist共存.
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原則上,民主和伊斯蘭沒有理由不能共存,
09:14
And we see this among其中 activist活動家, practical實際的 Muslims穆斯林,
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我們可見這些活躍的、實事求是的回教徒,
09:17
like the Muslims穆斯林 who are presently目前 the elected當選,
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例如土耳其的穆斯林,
09:19
parliamentary議會, democratic民主的 government政府 of Turkey火雞,
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他們的國家都有民選的國會和民主政府,
09:21
who are behaving行為 pragmatically務實, not ideologically意識形態,
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他們作風務實,不流於理想主義,
09:24
who are promoting促進 their own擁有 religious宗教 values,
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他們推廣自己的宗教價值,
09:26
who are elected當選 by their own擁有 people
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他們憑著自己的誠實和誠懇,
09:28
because they were perceived感知 as honest誠實 and sincere真誠
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憑著他們的宗教價值,
09:30
because of their religious宗教 values,
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由自己的人民選出來,
09:32
but who do not think that Islam伊斯蘭教 and a democratic民主的 system系統 of governance治理
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他們並不認為伊斯蘭和民主政制
09:36
are fundamentally從根本上 incompatible不相容.
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有著根本的矛盾,
09:38
Now, you may可能 say, but surely一定, what we've我們已經 seen看到 on television電視 about Saudi沙特 Islam伊斯蘭教
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你或會說,我們在電視上見到沙地的回教徒,
09:43
convinces說服 us that it can't possibly或者 be compatible兼容
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明顯告訴我們,他們的價值
09:45
with what we consider考慮 the core核心 of democracy民主 --
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和我們認同的民主核心價值沒有可能共容,
09:47
namely亦即, free自由 political政治 choice選擇, basic基本 liberty自由 and basic基本 equality平等.
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包括政治上的自由選擇、基本自由和平等,
09:51
But I'm here to tell you that technologies技術
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但我在這裏告訴你,
09:55
are more malleable可鍛鑄 than that.
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技術機制的延展性是很高的,
09:57
I'm here to tell you that many許多, many許多 Muslims穆斯林 believe --
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我想告訴你,很多很多回教徒--
10:00
the vast廣大 majority多數, in fact事實 -- in fact事實 I think I would go so far as to say
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可以說是絕大多數的回教徒,我甚至敢說
10:02
that many許多 Muslims穆斯林 in Saudi沙特 Arabia阿拉伯 believe that the core核心 values of Islam伊斯蘭教,
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很多沙地阿拉伯的回教徒--
10:06
namely亦即 acknowledgement承認 of God's sovereignty主權
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都相信伊斯蘭的核心價值--包括承認神的管治,
10:08
and basic基本 human人的 equality平等 before God,
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和神面前人們基本平等,
10:11
are themselves他們自己 compatible兼容 with liberty自由, equality平等 and free自由 political政治 choice選擇.
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本身與自由、平等和自由政治選擇是同出一轍的,
10:15
And there are Muslims穆斯林, many許多 Muslims穆斯林 out there, who are saying precisely恰恰 this.
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很多回教徒都是這樣說,
10:20
And they're making製造 this argument論據 wherever哪裡 they're permitted允許 to make it.
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他們把握每一個機會,提出這個論調,
10:23
But their governments政府, needless不必要 to say, are relatively相對 threatened受威脅 by this.
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但他們的政府當然感到一定的威脅,
10:25
And for the most part部分 try to stop them from making製造 this argument論據.
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而盡量阻止他們宣揚這個論調,
10:28
So, for example, a group of young年輕 activists活動家 in Egypt埃及
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例如,在埃及,一群年青的活躍份子,
10:32
try to form形成 a party派對 known已知 as the Center中央 Party派對,
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打算組成一個叫「中心黨」的政黨,
10:34
which哪一個 advocated主張 the compatibility兼容性 of Islam伊斯蘭教 and democracy民主.
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鼓催伊斯蘭和民主的共容,
10:36
They weren't even allowed允許 to form形成 a party派對.
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他們連組成政黨都不被批准,
10:38
They were actually其實 blocked受阻 from even forming成型 a party派對
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根據當地的政治制度,
10:40
under the political政治 system系統 there. Why?
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他們根本是被禁止組黨,為甚麼呢?
10:42
Because they would have doneDONE extraordinarily異常 well.
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因為若果他們成功,一定會得到很多支持,
10:44
In the most recent最近 elections選舉 in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界 --
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在穆斯林世界中,近期的選舉,包括
10:46
which哪一個 are those in Pakistan巴基斯坦, those in Morocco摩洛哥
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在巴基斯坦、摩洛哥和土耳其,
10:49
and those in Turkey火雞 -- in each case案件,
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每一次,
10:51
people who present當下 themselves他們自己 to the electorate選民 as Islamic清真 democrats民主黨人
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那些走伊斯蘭民主派路線的候選人,
10:54
were far and away the most successful成功 vote-getters投票干將
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在每一處他們能自由参選的地方,
10:57
every一切 place地點 they were allowed允許 to run freely自如.
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都吸去了大量的選票,遠遠拋離對手,
11:01
So in Morocco摩洛哥, for example, they finished third第三 in the political政治 race種族
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例如在摩洛哥,雖然他們只能競逐一半的議席,
11:05
but they were only allowed允許 to contest比賽 half the seats.
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卻能在選舉中排名第三,
11:07
So had they contested爭議 a larger number of the seats,
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如果他們能夠染指更多的議席,
11:09
they would have doneDONE even better.
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他們肯定能做得更好,
11:11
Now what I want to suggest建議 to you is that the reason原因 for hope希望 in this case案件
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我現在想說的是有希望的原因,
11:14
is that we are on the edge邊緣 of a real真實 transformation轉型 in the Muslim穆斯林 world世界.
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是我們快見到回教世界的真正轉變,
11:19
And that's a transformation轉型 in which哪一個 many許多 sincerely誠摯 believing相信 Muslims穆斯林 --
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在當中,很多虔誠的回教徒,
11:23
who care關心 very, very deeply about their traditions傳統,
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他們十分關心自己的傳統,
11:26
who do not want to compromise妥協 those values --
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他們不想在傳統價值上退讓,
11:29
believe, through通過 the malleability延展性 of the technology技術 of democracy民主
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他們相信,通過民主這個技術機制的可塑性,
11:33
and the malleability延展性 and synthetic合成的 capability能力 of the technology技術 of Islam伊斯蘭教,
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和伊斯蘭這個技術機制的可塑性和整合性,
11:38
that these two ideas思路 can work together一起.
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兩個概念能互相配合,
11:41
Now what would that look like?
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那會是怎樣的呢?
11:43
What does it mean to say that there's an Islamic清真 democracy民主?
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伊斯蘭的民主會是意味些甚麼呢?
11:46
Well, one thing is, it's not going to look identical相同
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有一點可以肯定的,是那會和美國的民主
11:48
to democracy民主 as we know it in the United聯合的 States狀態.
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很不一樣,
11:51
That may可能 be a good thing, in light of some of the criticisms批評 we've我們已經 heard聽說 today今天 --
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那可能是好事,尤其眼見當今我們的民主制度,
11:54
for example, in the regulatory監管 context上下文 -- of what democracy民主 produces產生.
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帶來很多受到眾多批評的結果,
11:58
It will also not look exactly究竟 the way either the people in this room房間,
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那也不會跟在座各位、
12:02
or Muslims穆斯林 out in the rest休息 of the world世界 --
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或外面世界的回教徒--
12:04
I don't mean to imply意味著 there aren't Muslims穆斯林 here, there probably大概 are --
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我無意暗示在座沒有回教徒,其實很可能是有的--
12:07
conceptualize概念化 Islam伊斯蘭教.
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所想像的很不一樣,
12:09
It will be transformative變革 of Islam伊斯蘭教 as well.
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她亦會把伊斯蘭改變,
12:12
And as a result結果 of this convergence收斂,
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在融合之下,
12:15
this synthetic合成的 attempt嘗試 to make sense of these two ideas思路 together一起,
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在兩個概念拼組之下,
12:19
there's a real真實 possibility可能性 that, instead代替 of a clash衝突
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結果很可能不是一場
12:22
of Islamic清真 civilization文明 -- if there is such這樣 a thing --
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伊斯蘭文明和民主文明的衝突--
12:25
and democratic民主的 civilization文明 -- if there is such這樣 a thing --
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如果有這些東西存在的話
12:27
we'll in fact事實 have close compatibility兼容性.
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反而會是很親密的共存,
12:30
Now, I began開始 with the war戰爭 because it's the elephant in the room房間,
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我開始時談到戰爭,因為那是一個我們不能迴避的問題,
12:34
and you can't pretend假裝 that there isn't about to be a war戰爭
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我們不能假裝我們探討這些議題,
12:36
if you're talking about these issues問題.
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而能與戰爭無關,
12:38
The war戰爭 has tremendous巨大 risks風險 for the model模型 that I'm describing說明
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在我解釋的模式中,戰爭帶出極大的危機,
12:41
because it's very possible可能 that as a consequence後果 of a war戰爭,
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因為很可能因為這場戰爭,
12:44
many許多 Muslims穆斯林 will conclude得出結論 that the United聯合的 States狀態
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很多回教徒會認為,
12:47
is not the kind of place地點 that they want to emulate仿真
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美國並不是他們在政治體制上
12:49
with respect尊重 to its forms形式 of political政治 government政府.
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想學習的地方,
12:52
On the other hand, there's a further進一步 possibility可能性 that many許多 Americans美國人,
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另一方面,有更大的可能,很多美國人
12:55
swept風靡 up in the fever發熱 of a war戰爭, will say, and feel, and think
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在戰爭的狂潮中,會說、會感到、會想:
13:00
that Islam伊斯蘭教 is the enemy敵人 somehow不知何故 --
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伊斯蘭是敵人,
13:02
that Islam伊斯蘭教 ought應該 to be construed解釋 as the enemy敵人.
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伊斯蘭應該被定性為敵人,
13:05
And even though雖然, for political政治 tactical戰術 reasons原因,
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雖然,由於政治策略之故,
13:07
the president主席 has been very, very good about saying that Islam伊斯蘭教 is not the enemy敵人,
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我們的總統很刻意地強調伊斯蘭不是敵人,
13:11
nonetheless儘管如此,, there's a natural自然 impulse衝動 when one enters進入 war戰爭
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無論如何,當我們進入戰爭,自然有衝動
13:14
to think of the other side as an enemy敵人.
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去想對方是敵人,
13:16
And one furthermore此外 has the impulse衝動 to generalize概括, as much as possible可能,
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並有衝動去把敵人的定義,
13:19
in defining確定 who that enemy敵人 is.
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儘量的延伸開去,
13:21
So the risks風險 are very great.
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所以那危機是很大的;
13:23
On the other hand, the capacities能力 for positive results結果 in the aftermath後果 of a war戰爭
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另一方面,戰後可能帶來的良好後果,
13:30
are also not to be underestimated低估,
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也是不應被低估的,
13:32
even by, and I would say especially特別 by, people
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尤其不應被那些
13:35
who are deeply skeptical懷疑的 about whether是否 we should go to war戰爭 in the first place地點.
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開始時對開戰很有保留的人所低估,
13:38
Those who oppose反對 the war戰爭 ought應該 to realize實現 that if a war戰爭 happens發生,
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那些反戰的人應該明白,戰爭既然已成事實,
13:43
it cannot不能 be the right strategy戰略,
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當戰爭過後,
13:45
either pragmatically務實, or spiritually靈性, or morally道德, to say after the war戰爭,
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在實際上、宗教上、道德上,都不能這樣說:
13:51
"Well, let's let it all run itself本身 out, and play out however然而 it wants to play out,
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「好了,讓我們放手讓她自生自滅,想這樣就怎樣,
13:54
because we opposed反對 the war戰爭 in the first place地點."
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因為開始時我們都說不好開戰的。」
13:56
That's not the way human人的 circumstances情況 operate操作.
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那不是人類社會的公理,
13:58
You face面對 the circumstances情況 you have in front面前 of you
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你應面對眼前的處境,
14:00
and you go forward前鋒.
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然後向前走,
14:02
Well, what I'm here to say then is,
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好了,我在這裏想說的是,
14:04
for people who are skeptical懷疑的 about the war戰爭,
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對那些對戰爭有所懷疑的人,
14:06
it's especially特別 important重要 to recognize認識 that in the aftermath後果 of the war戰爭
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特別要留意在戰後,
14:09
there is a possibility可能性 for the government政府 of the United聯合的 States狀態
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美國政府有可能
14:13
and the Muslim穆斯林 peoples人們 with whom it interacts交互
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和那些和他們交往的回教徒,
14:16
to create創建 real真實 forms形式 of government政府 that are truly democratic民主的
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會創造一種真正民主、真正伊斯蘭
14:19
and also truly Islamic清真.
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的政府模式,
14:21
And it is crucial關鍵 -- it is crucial關鍵 in a practical實際的, activist活動家 way --
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而很決定性的是,無論在實際上、主動上,
14:25
for people who care關心 about these issues問題 to make sure
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那些關心這事的人,
14:29
that within the technology技術 of democracy民主, in this system系統,
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努力的保證,在這個體制的民主機制中,
14:32
they exercise行使 their preferences優先, their choices選擇 and their voices聲音
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他們行使他們的喜好、選擇和聲音,
14:35
to encourage鼓勵 that outcome結果.
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去促進那發展成果,
14:37
That's a hopeful有希望 message信息,
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那是一個充滿希望的信息,
14:39
but it's a message信息 that's hopeful有希望 only if you understand理解 it
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但那需要你明白,我們所有人都分擔著很重大的任務,
14:41
as incurring引起 serious嚴重 obligation義務 for all of us.
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才能感到的希望;
14:44
And I think that we are capable of taking服用 on that obligation義務,
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而我想我們有能力擔起這個任務,
14:47
but only if we put what we can into it.
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但我們一定要盡己所能,
14:50
And if we do, then I don't think that the hope希望 will be unwarranted莫須有 altogether.
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若果我們能做到,那希望便很有機會達到。
14:54
Thanks謝謝.
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謝謝。
Translated by Gabrielle Wong
Reviewed by Zhu Jie

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Noah Feldman - Constitutional law scholar
Noah Feldman studies the intersection of religion, politics and law.

Why you should listen

Noah Feldman is a professor and writer who tries to figure out how to make the government follow the rules; what the rules are that the government has to follow; and what to do if the rules are being broken. In his work, he asks questions like: How can a 225-year-old constitutional blueprint still work? Can you design a new and better constitution from scratch in places like Iraq and Tunisia? What rights do we have, really?

Feldman is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and a contributing writer for Bloomberg View. He served as senior constitutional advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq, and advised members of the Iraqi Governing Council on the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law or interim constitution. He is writing a biography on James Madison, principal author of the Constitution and fourth president of the US; it's forthcoming in 2017.

Feldman is the author of six other books: Cool War: The Future of Global Competition (Random House, 2013); Scorpions: The Battles and Triumphs of FDR’s Great Supreme Court Justices (Twelve Publishing, 2010); The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State (Princeton University Press, 2008); Divided By God: America's Church-State Problem and What We Should Do About It (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2005); What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation-building (Princeton University Press 2004) and After Jihad: America and the Struggle for Islamic Democracy (Farrar, Straus & Giroux 2003. He most recently co-authored two textbooks: Constitutional Law, Eighteenth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013) and First Amendment Law, Fifth Edition (Foundation Press, 2013).

More profile about the speaker
Noah Feldman | Speaker | TED.com