ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Lawrence Lessig - Legal activist
Lawrence Lessig has already transformed intellectual-property law with his Creative Commons innovation. Now he's focused on an even bigger problem: The US' broken political system.

Why you should listen

Lawyer and activist Lawrence Lessig spent a decade arguing for sensible intellectual property law, updated for the digital age. He was a founding board member of Creative Commons, an organization that builds better copyright practices through principles established first by the open-source software community.

In 2007, just after his last TED Talk, Lessig announced he was leaving the field of IP and Internet policy, and moving on to a more fundamental problem that blocks all types of sensible policy -- the corrupting influence of money in American politics.

In 2011, Lessig founded Rootstrikers, an organization dedicated to changing the influence of money in Congress. In his latest book, Republic, Lost, he shows just how far the U.S. has spun off course -- and how citizens can regain control. As The New York Times wrote about him, “Mr. Lessig’s vision is at once profoundly pessimistic -- the integrity of the nation is collapsing under the best of intentions --and deeply optimistic. Simple legislative surgery, he says, can put the nation back on the path to greatness.”

Read an excerpt of Lessig's new book, Lesterland >>

More profile about the speaker
Lawrence Lessig | Speaker | TED.com
TED2013

Lawrence Lessig: We the People, and the Republic we must reclaim

勞倫斯雷席格:我們身為人民及我們必須恢復回的共和

Filmed:
1,552,121 views

美國政治從心腐敗了,是由於國會參選人從極少數的公民募資。這即是法律學者勞倫斯雷席格在其憤慨激昂演講中的核心議題。透過火速的視覺效果,他說明募資的過程是如何從根基削弱了共和,並呼籲兩黨合作會使眾多美國人甚至更多人產生共鳴。
- Legal activist
Lawrence Lessig has already transformed intellectual-property law with his Creative Commons innovation. Now he's focused on an even bigger problem: The US' broken political system. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
Once一旦 upon a time,
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很久很久以前
00:15
there was a place地點 called LesterlandLesterland.
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有個地方叫做萊斯特國(Lesterland)
00:18
Now LesterlandLesterland looks容貌 a lot like the United聯合的 States狀態.
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萊斯特國跟美國很像
00:21
Like the United聯合的 States狀態, it has about 311 million百萬 people,
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跟美國一樣,人口數大約有3.11億
00:26
and of that 311 million百萬 people,
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而這3.11億人當中
00:29
it turns out 144,000 are called Lester萊斯特.
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有14.4萬人叫萊斯特(Lester)
00:33
If Matt's馬特的 in the audience聽眾,
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若麥特 (辛普森家庭製作人) 在現場
00:35
I just borrowed that, I'll return返回 it in a second第二,
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你的卡通人物借我用一下
00:37
this character字符 from your series系列.
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馬上就還
00:40
So 144,000 are called Lester萊斯特,
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那麼 14.4萬人叫萊斯特
00:42
which哪一個 means手段 about .05 percent百分 is named命名 Lester萊斯特.
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代表 0.05%的人叫萊斯特
00:47
Now, LestersLesters in LesterlandLesterland have this extraordinary非凡 power功率.
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這些萊斯特在萊斯特國有非凡的力量
00:50
There are two elections選舉 every一切 election選舉 cycle週期 in LesterlandLesterland.
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每逢選舉會有兩次投票
00:53
One is called the general一般 election選舉.
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一個叫做大選
00:56
The other is called the Lester萊斯特 election選舉.
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另一個叫做萊斯特選
00:59
And in the general一般 election選舉, it's the citizens公民 who get to vote投票,
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在大選中,是由公民投票
01:02
but in the Lester萊斯特 election選舉, it's the LestersLesters who get to vote投票.
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但在萊斯特選是由萊斯特們投票
01:05
And here's這裡的 the trick.
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這其中的竅門是
01:06
In order訂購 to run in the general一般 election選舉,
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為了在大選參選
01:10
you must必須 do extremely非常 well
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你必須在萊斯特選
01:13
in the Lester萊斯特 election選舉.
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表現非常出色
01:14
You don't necessarily一定 have to win贏得, but you must必須 do extremely非常 well.
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你大可不必贏 但絕對需要表現出色
01:17
Now, what can we say about democracy民主 in LesterlandLesterland?
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那麼 我們可以怎麼說萊斯特國的民主?
01:21
What we can say, number one,
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我們可以說 第一
01:22
as the Supreme最高 Court法庭 said in Citizens公民 United聯合的,
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就如同最高法院在聯合公民中所說的
01:25
that people have the ultimate最終 influence影響 over elected當選 officials官員,
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人民對當選官員有最終的影響
01:29
because, after all, there is a general一般 election選舉,
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畢竟是有大選
01:32
but only after the LestersLesters have had their way
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但只在萊斯特們依照自己所願
01:35
with the candidates候選人 who wish希望 to run in the general一般 election選舉.
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讓他們想要的候選人參選大選
01:38
And number two, obviously明顯, this dependence依賴 upon the LestersLesters
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第二呢 很明顯 取決於萊斯特們的選擇
01:42
is going to produce生產 a subtle微妙, understated低調,
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會產生一個微妙、低調
01:45
we could say camouflaged偽裝, bending彎曲
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甚至是可以說偽裝的讓步
01:47
to keep the LestersLesters happy快樂.
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只為滿足讓萊斯特們
01:50
Okay, so we have a democracy民主, no doubt懷疑,
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毫無疑問的 我們確實有民主
01:54
but it's dependent依賴的 upon the LestersLesters
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但取決於萊斯特們
01:55
and dependent依賴的 upon the people.
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再取決於人民
01:57
It has competing競爭 dependencies依賴,
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他們有互相競爭關係
02:00
we could say conflicting衝突的 dependencies依賴,
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我們也可以說是相互衝突的關係
02:02
depending根據 upon who the LestersLesters are.
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端看萊斯特們是誰
02:07
Okay. That's LesterlandLesterland.
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這就是萊斯特國
02:09
Now there are three things I want you to see now that I've described描述 LesterlandLesterland.
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現在有三件事情我想讓你們看看關於萊斯特國
02:12
Number one, the United聯合的 States狀態 is LesterlandLesterland.
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第一 美國就是萊斯特國
02:15
The United聯合的 States狀態 is LesterlandLesterland.
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美國就是萊斯特國
02:17
The United聯合的 States狀態 also looks容貌 like this, also has two elections選舉,
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美國也是如此,也有兩次投票
02:19
one we called the general一般 election選舉,
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一個叫做大選
02:22
the second第二 we should call the money election選舉.
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另一個我們應該叫做錢選
02:26
In the general一般 election選舉, it's the citizens公民 who get to vote投票,
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在大選中 是由人民投票
02:28
if you're over 18, in some states狀態 if you have an IDID.
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只要你年滿18歲,在一些州你要有身分證 (就可以投票)
02:30
In the money election選舉, it's the funders資助者 who get to vote投票,
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在前選中是由投資人投票
02:34
the funders資助者 who get to vote投票, and just like in LesterlandLesterland,
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是由投資人投票,也和萊斯特國一樣
02:36
the trick is, to run in the general一般 election選舉,
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竅門在於 要參選大選
02:39
you must必須 do extremely非常 well in the money election選舉.
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你必須在錢選中表現得非常出色
02:41
You don't necessarily一定 have to win贏得. There is Jerry傑瑞 Brown棕色.
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你大可不必贏 傑利布朗是個例外
02:44
But you must必須 do extremely非常 well.
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但你必須表現得非常出色
02:47
And here's這裡的 the key: There are just as few少數 relevant相應 funders資助者
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關鍵在這:美國的投資人數量
02:51
in USA-land美國土地 as there are LestersLesters in LesterlandLesterland.
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跟萊斯特國的萊斯特們一樣少
02:57
Now you say, really?
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你可能會說 真假的?
02:58
Really .05 percent百分?
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真的才 0.05%?
03:02
Well, here are the numbers數字 from 2010:
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這些是2010年的數據
03:04
.26 percent百分 of America美國
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美國 0.26%
03:06
gave 200 dollars美元 or more to any federal聯邦 candidate候選人,
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給了200美金或以上給任何一位候選人
03:09
.05 percent百分 gave the maximum最大值 amount to any federal聯邦 candidate候選人,
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0.05%給了最高上限金額給任何一位候選人
03:13
.01 percent百分 -- the one percent百分 of the one percent百分 --
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0.01% 也就是百分之一的百分之一
03:17
gave 10,000 dollars美元 or more to federal聯邦 candidates候選人,
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給了 1萬美金或以上給候選人
03:20
and in this election選舉 cycle週期, my favorite喜愛 statistic統計
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而在這輪選舉,我最愛的一個數據
03:23
is .000042 percent百分
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是 0.000042%
03:27
— for those of you doing the numbers數字, you know that's 132 Americans美國人
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那些正在計算的人,會知道132美國人
03:31
gave 60 percent百分 of the Super PACPAC money spent花費
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提供了超級政治促進會 (Super PAC) 60%的資金
03:35
in the cycle週期 we have just seen看到 ending結尾.
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就在剛結束的這場選舉
03:38
So I'm just a lawyer律師, I look at this range範圍 of numbers數字,
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我只是個律師 我看了這些數字
03:40
and I say it's fair公平 for me to say
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我想我可以很公正地說
03:42
it's .05 percent百分 who are our relevant相應 funders資助者 in America美國.
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在美國,0.05% 才是相關投資者
03:46
In this sense, the funders資助者 are our LestersLesters.
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照這麼說,投資者就是萊斯特們
03:50
Now, what can we say about this democracy民主 in USA-land美國土地?
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那麼 我們可以怎說美國的民主?
03:53
Well, as the Supreme最高 Court法庭 said in Citizens公民 United聯合的,
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就如同最高法院在聯合公民中所說的
03:56
we could say, of course課程 the people have the ultimate最終 influence影響
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我們可以說,人民當然對當選官員
03:58
over the elected當選 officials官員. We have a general一般 election選舉,
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有最終的影響。我們有大選
04:02
but only after the funders資助者 have had their way
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但只能在投資人如他們所願
04:06
with the candidates候選人 who wish希望 to run in that general一般 election選舉.
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讓他們希望的候選人參選大選
04:10
And number two, obviously明顯,
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第二呢 很明顯
04:12
this dependence依賴 upon the funders資助者
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取決於投資者的選擇
04:15
produces產生 a subtle微妙, understated低調, camouflaged偽裝 bending彎曲
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會產生一個微妙、低調、偽裝的讓步
04:18
to keep the funders資助者 happy快樂.
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來滿足投資人
04:21
Candidates候選人 for Congress國會 and members會員 of Congress國會
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國會候選人和國會議員
04:24
spend between之間 30 and 70 percent百分 of their time
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都會花大約30%到70%的時間
04:28
raising提高 money to get back to Congress國會
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籌備資金好讓他們回到國會
04:31
or to get their party派對 back into power功率,
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或是讓他們的黨派重拾權力
04:32
and the question we need to ask is, what does it do to them,
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我們需要問是 對於這些人,到底有什麼好處
04:36
these humans人類, as they spend their time
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把時間花在
04:38
behind背後 the telephone電話, calling調用 people they've他們已經 never met會見,
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打電話給那些他素不相識的人
04:41
but calling調用 the tiniest最小的 slice of the one percent百分?
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而不打給屬於那百分之一的人?
04:45
As anyone任何人 would, as they do this,
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就像每個人都會做的
04:47
they develop發展 a sixth第六 sense, a constant不變 awareness意識
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他們會逐漸產生種直覺跟意識針對
04:51
about how what they do might威力 affect影響 their ability能力 to raise提高 money.
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他們所做的將如何影響籌集資金的能力
04:54
They become成為, in the words of "The X-FilesX檔案,"
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套X檔案的說法,他們會變成
04:56
shape-shifters形狀轉換器, as they constantly經常 adjust調整 their views意見
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變形人,因為他們會為了籌集更多資金
04:59
in light of what they know will help them to raise提高 money,
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不斷調整他們的觀點
05:02
not on issues問題 one to 10,
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不是從1到10 的問題上去調整
05:04
but on issues問題 11 to 1,000.
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而是從11到1千
05:07
Leslie萊斯利 Byrne拜恩, a Democrat民主黨人 from Virginia弗吉尼亞州,
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來自維吉尼亞州的民主黨員,萊思麗柏恩
05:08
describes介紹 that when she went to Congress國會,
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說她剛到國會的時候
05:10
she was told by a colleague同事, "Always lean to the green綠色."
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一位同僚對她說:「千萬要向綠色靠攏」
05:14
Then to clarify澄清, she went on,
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為了澄清一下,她接著說
05:16
"He was not an environmentalist環保人士." (Laughter笑聲)
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「他不是個環保主義者」 (笑聲)
05:20
So here too we have a democracy民主,
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那麼我們也是有民主的
05:22
a democracy民主 dependent依賴的 upon the funders資助者
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一個取決於投資者
05:24
and dependent依賴的 upon the people,
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和人民的民主
05:26
competing競爭 dependencies依賴,
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有著相互競爭的關係
05:28
possibly或者 conflicting衝突的 dependencies依賴
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也可能相互衝突的關係
05:30
depending根據 upon who the funders資助者 are.
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取決於投資者是誰
05:34
Okay, the United聯合的 States狀態 is LesterlandLesterland, point number one.
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好 美國就是萊斯特國 這是第一點
05:37
Here's這裡的 point number two.
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接下來 第二點
05:39
The United聯合的 States狀態 is worse更差 than LesterlandLesterland,
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美國比萊斯特國更糟
05:42
worse更差 than LesterlandLesterland because you can imagine想像 in LesterlandLesterland
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比萊斯國更糟因為你可以想像在萊斯特國
05:44
if we LestersLesters got a letter from the government政府 that said,
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如果萊斯特們收到一封來自政府的信寫著
05:47
"Hey, you get to pick who gets得到 to run in the general一般 election選舉,"
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「嘿,你們可以挑參選大選的候選人」
05:50
we would think maybe of a kind of aristocracy貴族 of LestersLesters.
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我們或許會覺得萊斯特們是有特權階級的貴族
05:54
You know, there are LestersLesters from every一切 part部分 of social社會 society社會.
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你知道 有來自社會各階級的萊斯特
05:56
There are rich豐富 LestersLesters, poor較差的 LestersLesters, black黑色 LestersLesters, white白色 LestersLesters,
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有錢萊斯特、窮萊斯特、黑種萊斯特、白種萊斯特
05:59
not many許多 women婦女 LestersLesters, but put that to the side for one second第二.
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沒太多女萊斯特,但先把這撇開不談
06:02
We have LestersLesters from everywhere到處. We could think,
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我們有來自各地的萊斯特。我們可以想
06:04
"What could we do to make LesterlandLesterland better?"
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「我們能做什麼讓萊斯特國更好」
06:07
It's at least最小 possible可能 the LestersLesters would act法案 for the good of LesterlandLesterland.
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至少有個可能萊斯特們是為了萊斯特國的利益著想
06:12
But in our land土地, in this land土地, in USA-land美國土地,
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但在我們的國家,這國家,在美國
06:15
there are certainly當然 some sweet LestersLesters out there,
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當然的也有些可愛的萊斯特
06:18
many許多 of them in this room房間 here today今天,
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今天在場的很多都是
06:20
but the vast廣大 majority多數 of LestersLesters act法案 for the LestersLesters,
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但是大部分的萊斯特是為了萊斯特們的利益著想
06:24
because the shifting coalitions聯盟 that are comprising包括 the .05 percent百分
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由聯盟所組成的那0.05%
06:28
are not comprising包括 it for the public上市 interest利益.
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並不是為了大眾的利益而組成的
06:31
It's for their private私人的 interest利益. In this sense, the USA美國 is worse更差 than LesterlandLesterland.
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是為了他們各人的利益。也就是說,美國比萊斯特更糟
06:35
And finally最後, point number three:
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終於來到第三點:
06:37
Whatever隨你 one wants to say about LesterlandLesterland,
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無論誰想評論萊斯特國
06:40
against反對 the background背景 of its history歷史, its traditions傳統,
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針對它的歷史背景或傳統
06:43
in our land土地, in USA-land美國土地, LesterlandLesterland is a corruption腐敗,
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在我們的國家,在美國,萊斯特國是個腐敗貪污的國家
06:48
a corruption腐敗.
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腐敗貪污
06:49
Now, by corruption腐敗 I don't mean brown棕色 paper bag cash現金
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但是,當我說腐敗貪汙,不是說指國會議員之間
06:53
secreted分泌 among其中 members會員 of Congress國會.
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的秘密現金紙袋
06:55
I don't mean Rod竿 Blagojevich布拉戈耶維奇 sense of corruption腐敗.
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我也不是指羅德布拉戈耶維奇的那類的腐敗貪污
06:58
I don't mean any criminal刑事 act法案.
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我不是指任何犯罪行為
07:00
The corruption腐敗 I'm talking about is perfectly完美 legal法律.
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我所說的腐敗貪污是完全合法
07:03
It's a corruption腐敗 relative相對的 to the framers'立憲者 baseline底線 for this republic共和國.
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是針對這個共和國制定者的底線的腐敗貪污
07:08
The framers成幀器 gave us what they called a republic共和國,
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制定者給我們他們所謂的共和國
07:12
but by a republic共和國 they meant意味著 a representative代表 democracy民主,
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但共和國他們真正指的是一個代表性民主
07:16
and by a representative代表 democracy民主, they meant意味著 a government政府,
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而代表性民主他們指的是政府
07:19
as Madison麥迪遜 put it in Federalist聯邦黨人 52, that would have a branch
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如同麥迪遜在聯邦黨人文集52篇中提到,會有一派
07:22
that would be dependent依賴的 upon the people alone單獨.
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只取決於人民
07:27
So here's這裡的 the model模型 of government政府.
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這就是政府的模式
07:28
They have the people and the government政府
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有人民和政府
07:31
with this exclusive獨家 dependency依賴,
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相互依賴
07:33
but the problem問題 here is that Congress國會 has evolved進化 a different不同 dependence依賴,
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但問題在於國會改變了這依賴關係
07:37
no longer a dependence依賴 upon the people alone單獨,
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不再是取決於人民
07:40
increasingly日益 a dependence依賴 upon the funders資助者.
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逐漸提升了投資者的決定權
07:42
Now this is a dependence依賴 too,
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這也是一種依賴關係
07:46
but it's different不同 and conflicting衝突的 from a dependence依賴 upon the people alone單獨
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但是跟單純取決於人民的那種依賴性不同且相衝突
07:49
so long as the funders資助者 are not the people.
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因為投資者並非那些人民
07:54
This is a corruption腐敗.
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這就是貪污腐敗
07:56
Now, there's good news新聞 and bad news新聞 about this corruption腐敗.
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然而,貪污腐敗有好有壞兩面
07:58
One bit of good news新聞 is that it's bipartisan兩黨,
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好的一部分是兩黨合作
08:01
equal-opportunity平等機會 corruption腐敗.
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同等機會的貪污腐敗
08:03
It blocks the left on a whole整個 range範圍 of issues問題 that we on the left really care關心 about.
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阻擋了左派真正關心的一系列的問題
08:08
It blocks the right too, as it makes品牌
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同時也阻擋右派 因為它讓
08:10
principled原則 arguments參數 of the right increasingly日益 impossible不可能.
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右派的主要論點越來越不可能
08:14
So the right wants smaller government政府.
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因此右派想要較小的政府
08:16
When Al Gore血塊 was Vice President主席, his team球隊 had an idea理念
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艾爾高爾任職副總統的時候 他的幕僚有個想法
08:19
for deregulating解除管制 a significant重大 portion一部分 of the telecommunications電信 industry行業.
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對大量的電信公司解除管制
08:23
The chief首席 policy政策 man took this idea理念 to Capitol國會大廈 Hill爬坡道,
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政策首長把這個想法帶到國會山莊
08:26
and as he reported報導 back to me,
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他回報給我的時候
08:28
the response響應 was, "Hell地獄 no!
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答覆是:「死都不行!
08:30
If we deregulate放鬆管制 these guys,
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如果我們對這些人解除管制
08:32
how are we going to raise提高 money from them?"
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我們怎跟他們募資?」
08:35
This is a system系統 that's designed設計 to save保存 the status狀態 quo現狀,
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這是一個為了維持現狀而設計的系統
08:39
including包含 the status狀態 quo現狀 of big and invasive侵入的 government政府.
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包含維持大且有侵略性的政府現狀
08:43
It works作品 against反對 the left and the right,
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他可以壓制左右兩派
08:45
and that, you might威力 say, is good news新聞.
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因此你可以說是好的一面
08:47
But here's這裡的 the bad news新聞.
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但也有壞的一面
08:49
It's a pathological病態的, democracy-destroying民主摧毀 corruption腐敗,
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這是個病態、毀滅民主的貪污腐敗
08:52
because in any system系統
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因為在任何系統中
08:55
where the members會員 are dependent依賴的 upon
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會員在競選中依賴
08:57
the tiniest最小的 fraction分數 of us for their election選舉,
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極少部分的人
09:00
that means手段 the tiniest最小的 number of us,
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代表我們之中的極少數
09:03
the tiniest最小的, tiniest最小的 number of us,
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極少、極少數的我們
09:05
can block reform改革.
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可以阻止改革
09:07
I know that should have been, like, a rock or something.
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我知道我本來應該放顆石頭或其他東西
09:09
I can only find cheese起司. I'm sorry. So there it is.
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但我只找到起司,不好意思 將就一下
09:11
Block reform改革.
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阻止改革
09:14
Because there is an economy經濟 here, an economy經濟 of influence影響,
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因為存在經濟,一個受影響的經濟
09:18
an economy經濟 with lobbyists說客 at the center中央
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一個以說客為中心的經濟
09:20
which哪一個 feeds供稿 on polarization極化.
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靠對立而活
09:23
It feeds供稿 on dysfunction功能障礙.
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靠失序而活
09:25
The worse更差 that it is for us,
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情況對我們來說越糟
09:28
the better that it is for this fundraising籌款.
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就對募資越有利
09:31
Henry亨利 David大衛 Thoreau梭羅: "There are a thousand hacking黑客
191
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亨利·戴維·梭羅說過:「有一千人在砍罪惡的樹枝
09:35
at the branches分支機構 of evil邪惡 to one who is striking引人注目 at the root."
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但只有一個人在砍罪惡的根」
09:39
This is the root.
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這就是根
09:43
Okay, now, every一切 single one of you knows知道 this.
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那麼現在我們每個人都知道這問題
09:47
You couldn't不能 be here if you didn't know this, yet然而 you ignore忽視 it.
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若你不知道你就不可能在這裡,但你視而不見
09:51
You ignore忽視 it. This is an impossible不可能 problem問題.
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你視而不見
這是個不可能的問題
09:54
You focus焦點 on the possible可能 problems問題,
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你集中在可能的問題
09:57
like eradicating根除 polio脊髓灰質炎 from the world世界,
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如同從地球上根絕小兒麻痺
10:00
or taking服用 an image圖片 of every一切 single street across橫過 the globe地球,
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或是拍攝世界上的每一條街
10:03
or building建造 the first real真實 universal普遍 translator翻譯者,
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或是建造第一個萬能翻譯機
10:06
or building建造 a fusion聚變 factory in your garage車庫.
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或是在你的車庫建核融合廠
10:10
These are the manageable管理 problems問題, so you ignore忽視
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這些都是可以處理的問題,所以
10:13
(Laughter笑聲) (Applause掌聲) —
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(笑聲)(掌聲)
10:19
so you ignore忽視 this corruption腐敗.
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對貪污腐敗視而不見
10:21
But we cannot不能 ignore忽視 this corruption腐敗 anymore.
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但我們不能繼續對貪污腐敗視而不見
10:27
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
10:30
We need a government政府 that works作品.
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我們需要一個有在做事的政府
10:33
And not works作品 for the left or the right,
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不是為左派或右派做事的政府
10:36
but works作品 for the left and the right,
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為左派和右派做事的政府
10:39
the citizens公民 of the left and right,
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為左派和右派的公民
10:41
because there is no sensible明智 reform改革 possible可能
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因為在我們終結貪污腐敗前
10:44
until直到 we end結束 this corruption腐敗.
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不可能會有合理的改革
10:47
So I want you to take hold保持, to grab the issue問題 you care關心 the most about.
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因此我希望你們抓住你們最關心的問題
10:51
Climate氣候 change更改 is mine, but it might威力 be financial金融 reform改革
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氣候變遷是我最關心的,但我也可能是經濟改革
10:53
or a simpler簡單 tax system系統 or inequality不等式.
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或是一個簡單點的稅制或不平等問題
10:56
Grab that issue問題, sit it down in front面前 of you,
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抓住那個問題,和它一起坐下來
10:58
look straight直行 in its eyes眼睛, and tell it there is no Christmas聖誕 this year.
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直視它雙眼,跟它說你今年不會過聖誕節
11:02
There will never be a Christmas聖誕.
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永遠不會有聖誕節
11:04
We will never get your issue問題 solved解決了
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在我們解決這問題前
11:06
until直到 we fix固定 this issue問題 first.
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我們永遠不會解決你的問題
11:09
So it's not that mine is the most important重要 issue問題. It's not.
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不是說我的問題最重要,因為真的不是
11:13
Yours你的 is the most important重要 issue問題, but mine is the first issue問題,
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你們的問題最重要,但我的是首要問題
11:17
the issue問題 we have to solve解決 before we get to fix固定
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是解決我們所關心的問題前
11:20
the issues問題 you care關心 about.
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首先應該解決的問題
11:22
No sensible明智 reform改革, and we cannot不能 afford給予
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不透合理的改革,我們不能承擔不起
11:25
a world世界, a future未來, with no sensible明智 reform改革.
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一個沒有合理改革的世界和未來
11:29
Okay. So how do we do it?
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好 那我們怎麼做
11:32
Turns out, the analytics分析 here are easy簡單, simple簡單.
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事實證明,分析出來的很簡單明瞭
11:35
If the problem問題 is members會員 spending開支 an extraordinary非凡
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如果問題是出在國會議員花超多時間
11:38
amount of time fundraising籌款 from the tiniest最小的 slice of America美國,
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向極小部分的美國募資
11:41
the solution is to have them spend less time fundraising籌款
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解決辦法就是讓他們花少點時間募資
11:45
but fundraise募捐 from a wider更寬的 slice of Americans美國人,
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但讓他們向
11:48
to spread傳播 it out,
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讓他往外擴展
11:49
to spread傳播 the funder資助者 influence影響 so that we restore恢復 the idea理念
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讓投資者的影響力擴展好讓我們恢復
11:53
of dependence依賴 upon the people alone單獨.
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取決於人民力量
11:56
And to do this does not require要求 a constitutional構成 amendment修訂,
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這不需要修憲
11:59
changing改變 the First Amendment修訂.
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或修改憲法第一修正案
12:00
To do this would require要求 a single statute法令,
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我們需要一個單一法令
12:04
a statute法令 establishing建立 what we think of
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一項奠定我們對於
12:06
as small dollar美元 funded資助 elections選舉,
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小金額資助選舉想法的法令
12:09
a statute法令 of citizen-funded公民資 campaigns活動,
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一項人民資助競選的法令
12:11
and there's any number of these proposals建議 out there:
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外界已經有很多的提議:
12:13
Fair公平 Elections選舉 Now Act法案,
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立即公平競選法案、
12:14
the American美國 Anti-Corruption反腐敗 Act法案,
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美國反貪污法案、
12:17
an idea理念 in my book that I call the Grant格蘭特 and Franklin富蘭克林 Project項目
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我書裡面的"格蘭特和富蘭克林計畫"
12:20
to give vouchers to people to fund基金 elections選舉,
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提倡給人民票券讓他們資助競選
12:22
an idea理念 of John約翰 Sarbanes薩班斯 called the Grassroots基層 Democracy民主 Act法案.
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還有約翰薩博尼的基層民主法案
12:25
Each of these would fix固定 this corruption腐敗
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以上每個一的都可以解決貪汙
12:30
by spreading傳播 out the influence影響 of funders資助者 to all of us.
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讓投資者的影響力擴展到我們每個人身上
12:34
The analytics分析 are easy簡單 here.
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分析很簡單明瞭
12:37
It's the politics政治 that's hard, indeed確實 impossibly不可能 hard,
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難在政治,確實很困難
12:42
because this reform改革 would shrink收縮 K Street,
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因為這樣的改革會削減華盛頓K街
12:48
and Capitol國會大廈 Hill爬坡道, as Congressman眾議員 Jim吉姆 Cooper庫珀,
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國會山莊,這麼說吧 國會議員吉米庫柏
12:53
a Democrat民主黨人 from Tennessee田納西, put it,
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田納西州民主黨員
12:56
has become成為 a farm農場 league聯盟 for K Street, a farm農場 league聯盟 for K Street.
255
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成為華盛頓K街的一個聯盟,一個K街聯盟
13:01
Members會員 and staffers員工 and bureaucrats官僚 have
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1965
會員、工作人員和官僚腦海裡有
13:03
an increasingly日益 common共同 business商業 model模型 in their head,
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逐漸相同的商業模式
13:05
a business商業 model模型 focused重點 on their life after government政府,
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這商業模式專注在他們執政後的生活
13:08
their life as lobbyists說客.
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也就是說客生活
13:11
Fifty五十 percent百分 of the Senate參議院 between之間 1998 and 2004
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1998年到2004年之間,參議院有50%的人
13:14
left to become成為 lobbyists說客, 42 percent百分 of the House.
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出走當說客,白宮的42%
13:17
Those numbers數字 have only gone走了 up,
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這些數字持續上升
13:18
and as United聯合的 Republic共和國 calculated計算 last April四月,
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去年4月聯合共和國(United Republic)計算
13:21
the average平均 increase增加 in salary薪水 for those who they tracked追踪
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他們有在追蹤的人,薪水平均增幅了
13:24
was 1,452 percent百分.
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1,452%
13:29
So it's fair公平 to ask, how is it possible可能 for them to change更改 this?
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我們可以問,他們怎麼可能改變這情況?
13:36
Now I get this skepticism懷疑論.
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我感到懷疑
13:40
I get this cynicism玩世不恭. I get this sense of impossibility不可能的事.
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我感到憤世嫉俗,我感到這種不可能性
13:45
But I don't buy購買 it.
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但我不同意
13:47
This is a solvable可解 issue問題.
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這是個可以解決的問題
13:51
If you think about the issues問題 our parents父母 tried試著 to solve解決
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若你想想我們父母在20世紀
13:54
in the 20th century世紀,
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試著解決的問題
13:56
issues問題 like racism種族主義, or sexism性別歧視,
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像是種族歧視或兩性不平等
13:59
or the issue問題 that we've我們已經 been fighting戰鬥 in this century世紀, homophobia同性戀,
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或是我們這世紀奮戰的問題: 同性戀恐懼症
14:02
those are hard issues問題.
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那些都是很困難的問題
14:05
You don't wake喚醒 up one day no longer a racist種族主義者.
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你不會睡一覺起來就不再是種族主義者
14:08
It takes generations to tear眼淚 that intuition直覺, that DNA脫氧核糖核酸,
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得花上好幾個世代從一個人的靈魂
14:12
out of the soul靈魂 of a people.
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去破除那種觀念,那種基因
14:14
But this is a problem問題 of just incentives獎勵, just incentives獎勵.
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但這問題只礙於動機,只有動機
14:18
Change更改 the incentives獎勵, and the behavior行為 changes變化,
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動機改變了,行為就跟著改變
14:20
and the states狀態 that have adopted採用 small dollar美元 funded資助 systems系統
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接著採用小金額資助制度的幾個州
14:23
have seen看到 overnight過夜 a change更改 in the practice實踐.
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會一夜就看到實行上的改變
14:26
When Connecticut康涅狄格 adopted採用 this system系統,
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當康乃狄克州(Connecticut)在第一年採用這制度
14:28
in the very first year, 78 percent百分 of elected當選 representatives代表
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78%的當選代表
14:32
gave up large contributions捐款 and took small contributions捐款 only.
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放棄了大額助選金而選擇只收取小額助選金
14:36
It's solvable可解,
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是解決得了的
14:38
not by being存在 a Democrat民主黨人,
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不是透過民主黨
14:41
not by being存在 a Republican共和黨人.
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不是透過共和黨
14:43
It's solvable可解 by being存在 citizens公民, by being存在 citizens公民,
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是透過公民解決,透過人民解決的
14:47
by being存在 TEDizensTEDizens.
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、透過TED成員解決的
14:50
Because if you want to kickstartKickstart中 reform改革,
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因為若你想要發起一項改革
14:54
look, I could kickstartKickstart中 reform改革
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我可以發起一項改革
14:57
at half the price價錢 of fixing定影 energy能源 policy政策,
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只用到解決能源政策所需的一半金額
15:01
I could give you back a republic共和國.
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我可以還給你一個共和
15:04
Okay. But even if you're not yet然而 with me,
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好 若你還沒加入我
15:07
even if you believe this is impossible不可能,
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甚至覺得這是不可能的
15:11
what the five years年份 since以來 I spoke at TEDTED has taught me
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過去五年我在TED演講教導我的
15:14
as I've spoken about this issue問題 again and again is,
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我一而再再而三的討論這個議題
15:17
even if you think it's impossible不可能, that is irrelevant不相干.
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就算你覺得這是不可能,沒關係
15:21
Irrelevant不相干.
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沒關係
15:23
I spoke at Dartmouth達特茅斯 once一旦, and a woman女人 stood站在 up after I spoke,
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我曾在達特茅斯演講一次,我講完之後有一位女性站起來
15:26
I write in my book, and she said to me,
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我有寫在我書裡,她告訴我
15:28
"Professor教授, you've convinced相信 me this is hopeless絕望. Hopeless絕望.
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「教授,你說服我這沒希望了。沒希望了
15:34
There's nothing we can do."
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我們束手無策了」
15:37
When she said that, I scrambled.
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當她這麼說,我慌了
15:39
I tried試著 to think, "How do I respond響應 to that hopelessness絕望?
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我試著想:「我該怎回應這種絕望?」
15:41
What is that sense of hopelessness絕望?"
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「這種絕望是什麼感覺?」
15:43
And what hit擊中 me was an image圖片 of my six-year-old六十歲 son兒子.
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讓我頓悟的是我六歲兒子
15:47
And I imagined想像 a doctor醫生 coming未來 to me and saying,
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我想像一位醫生告向我走來並告訴我:
15:51
"Your son兒子 has terminal終奌站 brain cancer癌症, and there's nothing you can do.
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「你兒子有晚期腦癌,你束手無策
15:58
Nothing you can do."
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你束手無策」
16:00
So would I do nothing?
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我真的什麼都不做嗎?
16:03
Would I just sit there? Accept接受 it? Okay, nothing I can do?
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我就坐在這?坦然接受?我什麼都不能做嗎?
16:06
I'm going off to build建立 Google谷歌 Glass玻璃.
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我就去做研發谷歌眼镜
16:09
Of course課程 not. I would do everything I could,
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當然不是 我會盡力而為
16:13
and I would do everything I could because this is what love means手段,
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我會盡力而為因為這意味著愛
16:17
that the odds可能性 are irrelevant不相干 and that you do
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這無關輸贏,你就做所有你能夠做的
16:19
whatever隨你 the hell地獄 you can, the odds可能性 be damned該死.
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3579
管他輸還是贏
16:23
And then I saw the obvious明顯 link鏈接, because even we liberals自由主義者
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然而我就看到其中的關係
因為即便是我們這些自由派人士
16:26
love this country國家.
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都愛這個國家
16:29
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
16:32
And so when the pundits專家 and the politicians政治家
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所以當權威人士或政客
16:34
say that change更改 is impossible不可能,
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說這改變是不可能
16:36
what this love of country國家 says back is,
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愛國情操會這麼回答:
16:39
"That's just irrelevant不相干."
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「這不重要」
16:42
We lose失去 something dear,
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若我們失去共和
16:44
something everyone大家 in this room房間 loves and cherishes珍視,
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我們會失去我們所摯愛的東西
16:47
if we lose失去 this republic共和國, and so we act法案
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會失去在場所有人共同珍惜的東西
所以我們要採取行動
16:51
with everything we can to prove證明 these pundits專家 wrong錯誤.
329
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盡其所能地去證明這些權威人士是錯的
16:56
So here's這裡的 my question:
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那麼這是我的問題:
16:59
Do you have that love?
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你有這種愛嗎?
17:04
Do you have that love?
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你有這份種愛嗎?
17:06
Because if you do,
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因為如果你有
17:08
then what the hell地獄 are you, what are the hell地獄 are we doing?
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那你到底是誰? 你到底在做什麼?
17:13
When Ben Franklin富蘭克林 was carried攜帶的 from the constitutional構成 convention慣例
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1787年9月,當班富蘭克林(Ben Franklin)從制憲會議離開
17:18
in September九月 of 1787, he was stopped停止 in the street by a woman女人 who said,
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他在街上被一位女性攔下來問說
17:22
"Mr先生. Franklin富蘭克林, what have you wrought?"
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「富蘭克林先生,你造就了什麼?」
17:25
Franklin富蘭克林 said, "A republic共和國, madam夫人, if you can keep it."
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富蘭克林回答:「一個共和,若你們能繼續保有它」
17:33
A republic共和國. A representative代表 democracy民主.
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一個共和。一個代表性的民主
17:38
A government政府 dependent依賴的 upon the people alone單獨.
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一個單獨取決於人民的政府
17:45
We have lost丟失 that republic共和國.
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我們失去了這個共和
17:50
All of us have to act法案 to get it back.
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所有人必須行動把它找回來
17:54
Thank you very much.
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非常感謝你們
17:56
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
18:02
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause掌聲)
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謝謝 謝謝 謝謝 (掌聲)
Translated by Ingrid Fan
Reviewed by James Chen

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Lawrence Lessig - Legal activist
Lawrence Lessig has already transformed intellectual-property law with his Creative Commons innovation. Now he's focused on an even bigger problem: The US' broken political system.

Why you should listen

Lawyer and activist Lawrence Lessig spent a decade arguing for sensible intellectual property law, updated for the digital age. He was a founding board member of Creative Commons, an organization that builds better copyright practices through principles established first by the open-source software community.

In 2007, just after his last TED Talk, Lessig announced he was leaving the field of IP and Internet policy, and moving on to a more fundamental problem that blocks all types of sensible policy -- the corrupting influence of money in American politics.

In 2011, Lessig founded Rootstrikers, an organization dedicated to changing the influence of money in Congress. In his latest book, Republic, Lost, he shows just how far the U.S. has spun off course -- and how citizens can regain control. As The New York Times wrote about him, “Mr. Lessig’s vision is at once profoundly pessimistic -- the integrity of the nation is collapsing under the best of intentions --and deeply optimistic. Simple legislative surgery, he says, can put the nation back on the path to greatness.”

Read an excerpt of Lessig's new book, Lesterland >>

More profile about the speaker
Lawrence Lessig | Speaker | TED.com

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