ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Evgeny Morozov - Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think.

Why you should listen

Writer Evgeny Morozov studies the political and social aspects of the Internet. Right now, he's working on a book about the Internet's role in politics -- and especially how the Web influences civic engagement and regime stability in authoritarian, closed societies or in countries "in transition."

Morozov writes the much-quoted Foreign Policy blog Net.Effect, and is known for debunking -- with facts, figures and sound research -- myths and media-bandwagon assumptions about the impact of the Internet and mobile technologies on politics and society. We all want to be cyber-optimists, assuming that free societies necessarily follow from free data. Morozov is careful to say that it's not quite that simple: yes, social change can be empowered by new tech, but so can the policies of repressive regimes. Morozov attended TEDGlobal 2009 as one of 25 TEDGlobal Fellows.

Get the slide deck from his TEDGlobal talk >>

Read his essay in design mind >>

More profile about the speaker
Evgeny Morozov | Speaker | TED.com
TEDGlobal 2009

Evgeny Morozov: How the Net aids dictatorships

耶夫根尼‧莫洛佐夫:網際網路是歐威爾所懼怕的嗎?

Filmed:
507,428 views

TED研究員同時也是新聞記者的耶夫根尼‧莫洛佐夫舉出令人驚醒的實例,說明網際網路如何幫助專制政權壓迫異議份子,藉此戳破他所謂的「iPod自由主義」-那種以為科技創新總會帶來自由民主的天真想法。
- Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
Good morning早上. I think, as a grumpy性情乖戾的 Eastern European歐洲的,
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早安!我想人家讓我這個性情乖戾的東歐人
00:17
I was brought in to play the pessimist悲觀主義者 this morning早上. So bear with me.
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今天早上來扮演的是烏鴉嘴,故請多多包涵
00:21
Well, I come from the former前任的 Soviet蘇聯 Republic共和國 of Belarus白俄羅斯,
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我來自前蘇聯白俄羅斯共和國
00:24
which哪一個, as some of you may可能 know,
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你們之中可能有些人知道
00:27
is not exactly究竟 an oasis綠洲 of liberal自由主義的 democracy民主.
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那兒不算是自由民主的綠洲
00:30
So that's why I've always been fascinated入迷
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因此我一向很有興趣
00:34
with how technology技術 could actually其實 reshape重塑
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想瞭解科技如何開放並重新塑造
00:37
and open打開 up authoritarian獨裁的 societies社會 like ours我們的.
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我們那樣的威權社會
00:40
So, I'm graduating畢業 college學院
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那時我剛從大學畢業
00:42
and, feeling感覺 very idealistic理想主義,
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滿懷理想
00:44
I decided決定 to join加入 the NGO非政府組織
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決定加入非政府組織
00:46
which哪一個 actually其實 was using運用 new media媒體
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他們正在利用新媒體
00:48
to promote促進 democracy民主 and media媒體 reform改革
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要在前蘇聯的大範圍內
00:50
in much of the former前任的 Soviet蘇聯 Union聯盟.
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推廣民主和媒體改革
00:53
However然而, to my surprise,
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不過令我吃驚的是
00:55
I discovered發現 that dictatorships獨裁
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我發現獨裁政權
00:57
do not crumble崩潰 so easily容易.
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並不那麼容易瓦解
00:59
In fact事實, some of them actually其實
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事實上有些獨裁政權
01:02
survived倖存 the Internet互聯網 challenge挑戰,
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打敗這個挑戰
01:04
and some got even more repressive壓制性.
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有些還變得更為強硬
01:07
So this is when I ran out of my idealism唯心主義 and
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這時我的理想就全涼了
01:10
decided決定 to quit放棄 my NGO非政府組織 job工作
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決定辭去非政府組織的工作
01:12
and actually其實 study研究 how the Internet互聯網 could impede阻礙 democratization民主化.
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轉而研究網際網路如何阻礙民主發展
01:17
Now, I must必須 tell you that this was never
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我得告訴你們
01:19
a very popular流行 argument論據,
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這個議題在當時可沒那麼討喜
01:22
and it's probably大概 not very popular流行 yet然而
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到今天也可能還不怎麼討喜
01:24
with some of you sitting坐在 in this audience聽眾.
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雖然有在座的各位捧場
01:26
It was never popular流行 with many許多 political政治 leaders領導者,
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對許多政治領袖而言,這個議題從來不討喜
01:29
especially特別 those in the United聯合的 States狀態
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-尤其是對美國的政治領袖
01:31
who somehow不知何故 thought that new media媒體
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他們多少以為新媒體
01:33
would be able能夠 to do what missiles導彈 couldn't不能.
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可以達到飛彈所不能達到的效果
01:37
That is, promote促進 democracy民主 in difficult places地方
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也就是在困難的地方推廣民主
01:40
where everything else其他 has already已經 been tried試著 and failed失敗.
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在那裡什麼都試過了也失敗了
01:44
And I think by 2009,
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而在2009年的今天
01:46
this news新聞 has finally最後 reached到達 Britain英國,
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我想這個信息終於來到了英國
01:49
so I should probably大概 add Gordon戈登 Brown棕色 to this list名單 as well.
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因此我也許應該把布朗總理納入這份名單
01:52
However然而, there is an underlying底層 argument論據 about logistics後勤,
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不過有個與訊息流通相關的論調
01:57
which哪一個 has driven驅動 so much of this debate辯論. Right?
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主導著這個論辯,是吧?
02:00
So if you look at it close enough足夠,
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那麼請仔細察看一下
02:02
you'll你會 actually其實 see that much of this
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你們就會看到這個論調
02:04
is about economics經濟學.
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談的大多是訊息流通的經濟運作
02:07
The cybertopianscybertopians say, much like fax傳真 machines
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網托邦人說,就像傳真機和影印機
02:10
and Xerox複印 machines did in the '80s,
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在八零年代所達到的效果那樣
02:13
blogs博客 and social社會 networks網絡
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網誌和社交網路已經
02:15
have radically根本 transformed改造 the economics經濟學 of protest抗議,
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根本地改變了抗議的訊息流通經濟
02:18
so people would inevitably必將 rebel反叛.
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因此人們肯定會起來反抗
02:21
To put it very simply只是,
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簡而言之
02:23
the assumption假設 so far has been
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到目前為止有這麼個假設:
02:25
that if you give people enough足夠 connectivity連接,
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如果人們有充分的聯繫
02:28
if you give them enough足夠 devices設備,
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有足夠的聯繫裝置
02:31
democracy民主 will inevitably必將 follow跟隨.
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民主自然而然水到渠成
02:33
And to tell you the truth真相,
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說個實話
02:35
I never really bought into this argument論據,
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我從來不相信這種論調
02:38
in part部分 because I never saw three American美國 presidents總統
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部分原因是我從來沒看過三位美國總統
02:41
agree同意 on anything else其他 in the past過去.
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在過去對任何事情有過相同看法
02:43
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
02:47
But, you know, even beyond that,
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但即使不談這個
02:49
if you think about the logic邏輯 underlying底層 it,
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如果想一想那背後的邏輯
02:51
is something I call iPodiPod的 liberalism自由主義,
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有個我稱之為iPod自由主義的東西在作祟
02:54
where we assume承擔 that every一切 single Iranian伊朗的 or Chinese中文
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那個想法是說如果每個伊朗人或中國人
02:58
who happens發生 to have and love his iPodiPod的
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碰巧擁有也喜愛iPod
03:00
will also love liberal自由主義的 democracy民主.
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他也會熱愛自由民主
03:04
And again, I think this is kind of false.
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再說一次,我認為這個想法錯了
03:08
But I think a much bigger problem問題 with this
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不過我想更大的問題是
03:10
is that this logic邏輯 --
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這樣的邏輯:
03:12
that we should be dropping落下 iPodsiPod播放器 not bombs炸彈 --
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我們得投擲iPod而不是炸彈
03:15
I mean, it would make a fascinating迷人 title標題
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我看這很可以是傅利曼
03:18
for Thomas托馬斯 Friedman's弗里德曼 new book.
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下一本書的響亮標題
03:20
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
03:21
But this is rarely很少 a good sign標誌. Right?
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不過這很不可能是個好兆頭,是吧?
03:25
So, the bigger problem問題 with this logic邏輯
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那麼這個想法所帶來的更大問題是
03:29
is that it confuses混淆 the intended
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它把科計被設定的作用
03:31
versus the actual實際 uses使用 of technology技術.
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及其實際上的作用搞混了
03:35
For those of you who think that
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如果你們有人認為
03:37
new media媒體 of the Internet互聯網
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網際網路的新媒體
03:39
could somehow不知何故 help us avert避免 genocide種族滅絕,
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多少能夠有助於防止屠殺,那麼遠的不看
03:42
should look no further進一步 than Rwanda盧旺達,
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只要看看盧安達便知道錯了
03:44
where in the '90s it was actually其實 two radio無線電 stations
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九零年代正是該國兩家廣播電台
03:47
which哪一個 were responsible主管 for fueling加油 much of the ethnic民族 hatred in the first place地點.
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要對當時煽動種族仇恨負起最大的責任
03:51
But even beyond that, coming未來 back to the Internet互聯網,
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但即使不談這個,再回到網際網路
03:54
what you can actually其實 see
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實際可以看到的是
03:56
is that certain某些 governments政府
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某些政府有充分的能力
03:58
have mastered掌握 the use of cyberspace網絡空間
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掌握網路空間的利用
04:01
for propaganda宣傳 purposes目的. Right?
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來達到其宣傳目的,是吧?
04:03
And they are building建造 what I call the SpinternetSpinternet.
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他們建構的是我所謂的「攪和網」
04:05
The combination組合 of spin, on the one hand,
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這個詞來自Spin和Internet
04:08
and the Internet互聯網 on the other.
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即在網際網路上攪和以混水摸魚
04:10
So governments政府 from Russia俄國 to China中國 to Iran伊朗
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俄羅斯、中國和伊朗的政府的確一直在
04:13
are actually其實 hiring招聘, training訓練 and paying付款 bloggers博客
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徵召、訓練並付錢給網路寫手(俗稱五毛)
04:16
in order訂購 to leave離開 ideological思想 comments註釋
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在網上留下意識形態的評論
04:19
and create創建 a lot of ideological思想 blog博客 posts帖子
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創造出許多意識形態的貼文
04:21
to comment評論 on sensitive敏感 political政治 issues問題. Right?
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評論敏感的政治議題,是吧?
04:24
So you may可能 wonder奇蹟, why on Earth地球 are they doing it?
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那麼你可能納悶他們這是在幹什麼?
04:28
Why are they engaging with cyberspace網絡空間?
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他們為什麼活躍於網路空間?
04:30
Well my theory理論 is that
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我的理論為:
04:32
it's happening事件 because censorship審查 actually其實
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發生這種事情是因為在許多地方
04:35
is less effective有效 than you think it is in many許多 of those places地方.
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進行審查實在達不到預期效果
04:38
The moment時刻 you put something critical危急 in a blog博客,
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一旦在網誌上貼了批評文字
04:42
even if you manage管理 to ban禁止 it immediately立即,
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即使能馬上把它禁掉
04:45
it will still spread傳播 around thousands數千 and thousands數千 of other blogs博客.
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那文字還是會擴散到成千上萬的其它網誌去
04:49
So the more you block it,
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因此越是封鎖它
04:51
the more it emboldens鼓勵了 people to actually其實 avoid避免 the censorship審查
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就越使人們想出法子規避審查
04:54
and thus從而 win贏得 in this cat-and-mouse貓和老鼠 game遊戲.
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來贏得這場貓捉老鼠的遊戲
04:57
So the only way to control控制 this message信息
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所以要控制這個訊息唯一的辦法是
05:01
is actually其實 to try to spin it
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著著實實攪和它
05:03
and accuse anyone任何人 who has written書面 something critical危急
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比方指控寫出批評文章的人
05:06
of being存在, for example, a CIA中央情報局 agent代理人.
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是中情局的間諜
05:08
And, again, this is happening事件 quite相當 often經常.
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再舉例說明這種經常發生的做法
05:11
Just to give you an example of how it works作品 in China中國, for example.
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比方說,在中國是這麼操作的:
05:15
There was a big case案件 in February二月 2009
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2009年二月有個大案子
05:19
called "Elude躲避 the Cat."
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叫做「躲貓貓」
05:21
And for those of you who didn't know, I'll just give a little summary概要.
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我給不知情的人簡單總結一下這個案子
05:25
So what happened發生 is that a 24-year-old-歲 man,
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話說一位24歲的中國籍男士
05:28
a Chinese中文 man, died死亡 in prison監獄 custody保管.
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在他被拘留的看守所裡死亡了
05:31
And police警察 said that it happened發生
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公安說事情的原委是
05:34
because he was playing播放 hide隱藏 and seek尋求,
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因為他當時
05:36
which哪一個 is "elude躲避 the cat" in Chinese中文 slang俚語,
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正在和別的囚犯玩捉迷藏
05:39
with other inmates囚犯 and hit擊中 his head
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中國俗稱「躲貓貓」
05:41
against反對 the wall,
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結果一頭撞牆了
05:43
which哪一個 was not an explanation說明 which哪一個 satSAT well with many許多 Chinese中文 bloggers博客.
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許多中國網民對這種說法頗不滿意
05:50
So they immediately立即 began開始 posting發帖 a lot of critical危急 comments註釋.
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因此立即出現許多批評的貼文
05:54
In fact事實, QQQQ.comCOM, which哪一個 is a popular流行 Chinese中文 website網站,
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短短幾個小時內在流行的QQ網站上
05:58
had 35,000 comments註釋
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出現了三萬五千則
06:00
on this issue問題 within hours小時.
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有關此事的貼文
06:02
But then authorities當局 did something very smart聰明.
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不過當局採取了很聰明的做法
06:05
Instead代替 of trying to purge清除 these comments註釋,
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他們沒有刪除這些貼文
06:08
they instead代替 went and reached到達 out to the bloggers博客.
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反倒懷柔貼文的網民
06:11
And they basically基本上 said, "Look guys. We'd星期三 like you to become成為 netizen網友 investigators調查."
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他們基本上說:「好吧,你們來當網絡調查員。」
06:16
So 500 people applied應用的,
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於是有五百人申請當調查員
06:19
and four were selected to actually其實 go and tour遊覽 the facility設施 in question,
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然後挑出四個實地造訪出事地點
06:23
and thus從而 inspect檢查 it and then blog博客 about it.
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進行探查後貼出相關文章
06:27
Within days the entire整個 incident事件 was forgotten忘記了,
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不消幾天整個事件就被遺忘了
06:30
which哪一個 would have never happened發生 if they simply只是 tried試著 to block the content內容.
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採取封鎖肯定不會是這樣的結果
06:33
People would keep talking about it for weeks.
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人們會對此事談上好幾個星期
06:36
And this actually其實 fits適合 with another另一個 interesting有趣 theory理論
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這恰恰符合另一個理論的看法
06:40
about what's happening事件 in authoritarian獨裁的 states狀態
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這個理論是有關在威權國家裡
06:43
and in their cyberspace網絡空間.
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以及在網路空間裡所發生的事情
06:45
This is what political政治 scientists科學家們 call authoritarian獨裁的 deliberation審議,
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政治學家稱之為「威權運作」
06:48
and it happens發生 when governments政府 are actually其實 reaching到達 out to their critics批評者
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這發生在政府對其批評者實際進行懷柔
06:53
and letting出租 them engage從事 with each other online線上.
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讓他們在線上熱烈討論
06:55
We tend趨向 to think
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我們傾向於認為
06:57
that somehow不知何故 this is going to harm危害 these dictatorships獨裁,
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這多少會傷害到獨裁政權
07:00
but in many許多 cases it only strengthens強化劑 them.
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但這往往反倒更加強化獨裁
07:03
And you may可能 wonder奇蹟 why.
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你可能納悶怎會這樣
07:05
I'll just give you a very short list名單 of reasons原因
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我馬上給你短短的解說
07:07
why authoritarian獨裁的 deliberation審議
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為什麼威權運作
07:10
may可能 actually其實 help the dictators獨裁者.
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對獨裁者實有助益
07:12
And first it's quite相當 simple簡單.
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首先,道理很簡單
07:14
Most of them operate操作 in a complete完成 information信息 vacuum真空.
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獨裁者大多完全在資訊真空中操作政治
07:17
They don't really have the data數據 they need
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他們原本沒有所需的資料
07:20
in order訂購 to identify鑑定 emerging新興 threats威脅 facing面對 the regime政權.
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來辨識萌芽中的政權威脅
07:23
So encouraging鼓舞人心的 people to actually其實 go online線上
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因此,最好鼓勵人們上線
07:26
and share分享 information信息 and data數據
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分享資訊和資料
07:28
on blogs博客 and wikis維基 is great
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貼到網誌和維基上都好
07:30
because otherwise除此以外, low level水平 apparatchiksapparatchiks and bureaucrats官僚
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否則,低階層的黨工和官僚
07:33
will continue繼續 concealing隱瞞 what's actually其實 happening事件 in the country國家, right?
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會繼續隱瞞國內的實情,是吧?
07:37
So from this perspective透視, having blogs博客 and wikis維基
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那麼讓網誌和維基
07:39
produce生產 knowledge知識 has been great.
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產出情資是好事一樁
07:41
Secondly其次, involving涉及 public上市 in any decision決定 making製造
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其次,讓社會大眾參與決策
07:44
is also great
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也是好極了
07:46
because it helps幫助 you to share分享 the blame
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因為要是政策失敗
07:48
for the policies政策 which哪一個 eventually終於 fail失敗.
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這能幫你分攤責難
07:50
Because they say, "Well look, we asked you,
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因為可以說:「問過你們
07:52
we consulted諮詢 you, you voted on it.
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聽過建議也讓投過票了
07:54
You put it on the front面前 page of your blog博客.
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你網誌首頁貼的就是
07:56
Well, great. You are the one who is to blame."
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這下可好,該罵的是你。」
07:59
And finally最後, the purpose目的 of
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最後,任何威權運作
08:02
any authoritarian獨裁的 deliberation審議 efforts努力
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其目的都是
08:04
is usually平時 to increase增加 the legitimacy合法 of the regimes制度, both at home and abroad國外.
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要在國內外提升政權的合法性
08:07
So inviting誘人的 people to all sorts排序 of public上市 forums論壇,
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那麼邀請人們到各種公共論壇
08:11
having them participate參加 in decision決定 making製造,
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讓他們參與決策
08:13
it's actually其實 great.
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實在好極了
08:15
Because what happens發生 is that then
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因為這樣一來
08:17
you can actually其實 point to this initiative倡議 and say,
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大可以指出這論壇說:
08:19
"Well, we are having a democracy民主. We are having a forum論壇."
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「看,我們有民主,我們有論壇。」
08:22
Just to give you an example,
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舉個例子
08:24
one of the Russian俄語 regions地區, for example,
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某俄羅斯地區
08:26
now involves涉及 its citizens公民
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現在讓其公民參與
08:28
in planning規劃 its strategy戰略 up until直到 year 2020.
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規劃到2020年的發展策略,是吧?
08:32
Right? So they can go online線上
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你可以上線
08:34
and contribute有助於 ideas思路 on what that region地區 would look like by the year 2020.
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提出該地區2020年會是怎樣的想法
08:38
I mean, anyone任何人 who has been to Russia俄國 would know
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我說,到過俄羅斯的人
08:40
that there was no planning規劃 in Russia俄國 for the next下一個 month.
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都知道俄羅斯向來沒有下個月的規劃
08:43
So having people involved參與 in planning規劃 for 2020
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因此讓人們參與2020年的規劃
08:46
is not necessarily一定 going to change更改 anything,
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不必然會改變什麼
08:48
because the dictators獨裁者 are still the ones那些 who control控制 the agenda議程.
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因為要怎麼做還是獨裁者說了算
08:52
Just to give you an example from Iran伊朗,
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舉個伊朗的例子
08:54
we all heard聽說 about the Twitter推特 revolution革命
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我們都聽說那裡
08:56
that happened發生 there,
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發生了推特革命
08:58
but if you look close enough足夠, you'll你會 actually其實 see
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但夠仔細瞧就會發現
09:00
that many許多 of the networks網絡 and blogs博客
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許多網站和網誌
09:02
and Twitter推特 and FacebookFacebook的 were actually其實 operational操作.
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以及推特和臉書背後都有操作
09:05
They may可能 have become成為 slower比較慢,
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那些網站也許會變慢些
09:07
but the activists活動家 could still access訪問 it
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但社運人士還能取用
09:09
and actually其實 argue爭論 that having access訪問 to them
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而且能取用那些網站
09:11
is actually其實 great for many許多 authoritarian獨裁的 states狀態.
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對許多威權國家是好極了
09:14
And it's great simply只是 because
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好極了的原因簡單
09:17
they can gather收集 open打開 source資源 intelligence情報.
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因為他們能由此獲得開放源的情資
09:21
In the past過去 it would take you weeks, if not months個月,
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過去若不需幾個月也要幾個星期
09:24
to identify鑑定 how Iranian伊朗的 activists活動家 connect to each other.
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才能辨識出伊朗社運人士間有什麼聯繫
09:27
Now you actually其實 know how they connect to each other
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現在輕而易舉可以判定他們之間的聯繫
09:29
by looking at their FacebookFacebook的 page.
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看他們在臉書上的網頁就是
09:31
I mean KGB克格勃, and not just KGB克格勃,
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我說KGB還有不只KGB
09:33
used to torture拷打 in order訂購 to actually其實 get this data數據.
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以往要獲取那些情資還得動刑呢
09:36
Now it's all available可得到 online線上.
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現在線上什麼都有了
09:38
(Laughter笑聲)
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(笑聲)
09:40
But I think the biggest最大 conceptual概念上的 pitfall陷阱
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我想網托邦人在概念上最大的自我設限
09:42
that cybertopianscybertopians made製作
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是在他們提到網友
09:44
is when it comes to digital數字 natives當地人, people who have grown長大的 up online線上.
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也就是一群跟著網路長大的人時
09:47
We often經常 hear about cyber網絡 activism行動,
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比方說,我們常聽到網路行動主義
09:50
how people are getting得到 more active活性 because of the Internet互聯網.
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有多少人因網際網路而更具行動力
09:53
Rarely很少 hear about cyber網絡 hedonism享樂主義, for example,
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很少聽到有關網路享樂主義
09:55
how people are becoming變得 passive被動.
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即人們如何因網路變得消極
09:57
Why? Because they somehow不知何故 assume承擔 that the Internet互聯網
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為什麼?因為人們多少認定
09:59
is going to be the catalyst催化劑 of change更改
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網際網路會是改變的催化劑
10:01
that will push young年輕 people into the streets街道,
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將會把年輕人推上街頭
10:03
while in fact事實 it may可能 actually其實 be the new opium鴉片 for the masses群眾
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而實際上網路可能是人民的新鴉片
10:06
which哪一個 will keep the same相同 people in their rooms客房 downloading下載 pornography色情.
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會讓同一群人留在房裡下載色情影像
10:09
That's not an option選項 being存在 considered考慮 too strongly非常.
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這絕不是我們所要的選項
10:13
So for every一切 digital數字 renegade叛變 that is revolting令人作嘔 in the streets街道 of Tehran德黑蘭,
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而在德黑蘭街上造反的數位叛徒裡
10:16
there may可能 as well be two digital數字 captives俘虜
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或也有受困於兩個數位世界的囚犯
10:18
who are actually其實 rebelling反叛 only in the World世界 of Warcraft魔獸.
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他們只在「魔獸世界」裡造反
10:21
And this is realistic實際. And there is nothing wrong錯誤 about it
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這是現實情況,沒什麼對錯
10:23
because the Internet互聯網 has greatly非常 empowered授權 many許多 of these young年輕 people
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因為網路賦予這些年輕人很大力量
10:27
and it plays播放 a completely全然 different不同 social社會 role角色 for them.
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網路對他們有迴異的社會意義
10:29
If you look at some of the surveys調查
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如果看看某些關於年輕人
10:31
on how the young年輕 people actually其實 benefit效益 from the Internet互聯網,
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如何受益於網路的問卷調查
10:34
you'll你會 see that the number of teenagers青少年 in China中國, for example,
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就會發現,例如在中國
10:37
for whom the Internet互聯網 actually其實 broadens變寬 their sex性別 life,
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性生活因網路而擴展的十來歲孩子
10:40
is three times more than in the United聯合的 States狀態.
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三倍於美國
10:43
So it does play a social社會 role角色,
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那麼網路確實具有社會意義
10:45
however然而 it may可能 not necessarily一定 lead to political政治 engagement訂婚.
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但這並不一定帶來政治參與
10:48
So the way I tend趨向 to think of it
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因此我想的無寧是
10:50
is like a hierarchy等級制度 of cyber-needsCYBER-需求 in space空間,
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網際網路的需求層次
10:52
a total rip-off撕掉 from Abraham亞伯拉罕 Maslow馬斯洛.
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這完全剽竊自馬斯洛
10:54
But the point here is that
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不過在此的重點是
10:56
when we get the remote遠程 Russian俄語 village online線上,
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如果讓俄羅斯偏遠村莊上線
10:59
what will get people to the Internet互聯網
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會教人們上網的
11:01
is not going to be the reports報告 from Human人的 Rights Watch.
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不會是人權觀察報告
11:03
It's going to be pornography色情, "Sex性別 and the City,"
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而是色情、慾望城市
11:06
or maybe watching觀看 funny滑稽 videos視頻 of cats.
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或是觀賞小貓搞笑的視訊
11:09
So this is something you have to recognize認識.
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這是必須認清的事實
11:11
So what should we do about it?
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對此該怎麼辦呢?
11:13
Well I say we have to stop thinking思維
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我認為我們
11:15
about the number of iPodsiPod播放器 per capita人頭
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必須拋棄人均iPod數量的想法
11:18
and start開始 thinking思維 about ways方法 in which哪一個
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要開始思考各種方法
11:20
we can empower授權 intellectuals知識分子,
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將力量賦予知識份子、
11:23
dissidents持不同政見者, NGOs非政府組織 and then the members會員 of civil國內 society社會.
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異議份子、NGOs和所有公民社會的成員
11:26
Because even what has been happening事件 up 'til“直到 now
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因為儘管至今已做了許多努力
11:29
with the SpinternetSpinternet and authoritarian獨裁的 deliberation審議,
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只要攪和網和威權運作存在
11:31
there is a great chance機會 that those voices聲音 will not be heard聽說.
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那些聲音很有可能會淹沒其中
11:34
So I think we should shatter打碎 some of our utopian烏托邦 assumptions假設
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因此我認為我們應該打破一些假想
11:37
and actually其實 start開始 doing something about it.
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實實在在做點什麼
11:39
Thank you.
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謝謝
11:41
(Applause掌聲)
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(掌聲)
Translated by Wenjer Leuschel
Reviewed by Ching-Yi Wu

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Evgeny Morozov - Internet scientist
Evgeny Morozov wants to know how the Internet has changed the conduct of global affairs, because it certainly has ... but perhaps not in all the ways we think.

Why you should listen

Writer Evgeny Morozov studies the political and social aspects of the Internet. Right now, he's working on a book about the Internet's role in politics -- and especially how the Web influences civic engagement and regime stability in authoritarian, closed societies or in countries "in transition."

Morozov writes the much-quoted Foreign Policy blog Net.Effect, and is known for debunking -- with facts, figures and sound research -- myths and media-bandwagon assumptions about the impact of the Internet and mobile technologies on politics and society. We all want to be cyber-optimists, assuming that free societies necessarily follow from free data. Morozov is careful to say that it's not quite that simple: yes, social change can be empowered by new tech, but so can the policies of repressive regimes. Morozov attended TEDGlobal 2009 as one of 25 TEDGlobal Fellows.

Get the slide deck from his TEDGlobal talk >>

Read his essay in design mind >>

More profile about the speaker
Evgeny Morozov | Speaker | TED.com