TEDGlobal 2011
Richard Wilkinson: How economic inequality harms societies
Richard Wilkinson: Hvordan økonomisk ulighed skader samfund
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Vi føler instinktivt, at samfund med enorme forskelle på indkomster på en eller anden måde går dårligere. Richard Wilkinson kortlægger de hårde data om økonomisk ulighed og viser, hvad der forværres når rige og fattige er alt for langt fra hinanden: virkelige effekter på sundheden, livslængden, selv så basale værdier som tillid.
Richard Wilkinson - Public health researcher
In "The Spirit Level," Richard Wilkinson charts data that proves societies that are more equal are healthier, happier societies. Full bio
In "The Spirit Level," Richard Wilkinson charts data that proves societies that are more equal are healthier, happier societies. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:15
You all know the truth of what I'm going to say.
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I kender alle sandheden om, hvad jeg vil sige.
00:18
I think the intuition that inequality is divisive and socially corrosive
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Jeg tror, intuitionen, at ulighed er opdelende og socialt nedbrydende,
00:22
has been around since before the French Revolution.
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har eksisteret siden før den Franske Revolution.
00:26
What's changed
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Det, der har ændret sig,
00:28
is we now can look at the evidence,
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er, at vi nu kan se på alle beviserne,
00:30
we can compare societies, more and less equal societies,
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vi kan sammenligne samfund, mere og mindre lige samfund,
00:33
and see what inequality does.
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og se, hvad ulighed gør.
00:36
I'm going to take you through that data
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Jeg vil tage jer gennem de data
00:39
and then explain why
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og så forklare, hvorfor
00:41
the links I'm going to be showing you exist.
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sammenhængene, jeg viser jer, eksisterer.
00:45
But first, see what a miserable lot we are.
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Men først, se hvilken ulykkelig flok vi er.
00:48
(Laughter)
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(Latter)
00:50
I want to start though
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Jeg vil dog starte
00:52
with a paradox.
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med et paradoks.
00:55
This shows you life expectancy
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Dette viser jer forventet levealder
00:57
against gross national income --
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mod bruttonationalindtægt --
00:59
how rich countries are on average.
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hvor rige lande er i gennemsnit.
01:01
And you see the countries on the right,
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Og I ser, landene til højre,
01:03
like Norway and the USA,
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som Norge og USA,
01:05
are twice as rich as Israel, Greece, Portugal on the left.
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er dobbelt så rige som Israel, Grækenland, Portugal til venstre.
01:10
And it makes no difference to their life expectancy at all.
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Og det gør ingen forskel for deres forventede levealder overhovedet.
01:14
There's no suggestion of a relationship there.
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Der er intet, der tyder på en sammenhæng der.
01:16
But if we look within our societies,
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Men hvis vi kigger inden i vores samfund,
01:19
there are extraordinary social gradients in health
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er der usædvanlige sociale forhold i sundhed,
01:22
running right across society.
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der løber igennem hele samfundet.
01:24
This, again, is life expectancy.
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Dette er igen forventet levealder.
01:26
These are small areas of England and Wales --
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Disse er små områder i England og Wales --
01:28
the poorest on the right, the richest on the left.
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de fattigste til højre, de rigeste til venstre.
01:32
A lot of difference between the poor and the rest of us.
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En masse forskel mellem de fattige og resten af os.
01:35
Even the people just below the top
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Selv folkene lige under toppen
01:37
have less good health
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har dårligere helbred
01:39
than the people at the top.
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end folkene på toppen.
01:41
So income means something very important
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Så indkomst betyder noget meget vigtigt
01:43
within our societies,
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i vores samfund
01:45
and nothing between them.
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og intet imellem dem.
01:48
The explanation of that paradox
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Forklaringen på det paradoks
01:51
is that, within our societies,
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er, at inden i vores samfund
01:53
we're looking at relative income
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kigger vi på relativ indtægt
01:55
or social position, social status --
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eller social placering, social status --
01:58
where we are in relation to each other
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hvor vi er i forhold til hinanden,
02:01
and the size of the gaps between us.
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og størrelsen af hullerne imellem os.
02:04
And as soon as you've got that idea,
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Og så snart, I forstår den idé,
02:06
you should immediately wonder:
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burde I med det samme undre jer:
02:08
what happens if we widen the differences,
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hvad sker der, hvis vi udvider forskellene
02:11
or compress them,
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eller formindsker dem,
02:13
make the income differences bigger or smaller?
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gør indkomstsforskellene større eller mindre?
02:15
And that's what I'm going to show you.
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Og det er det, jeg vil vise jer.
02:18
I'm not using any hypothetical data.
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Jeg bruger ingen hypotetiske data.
02:20
I'm taking data from the U.N. --
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Jeg tager data fra FN --
02:22
it's the same as the World Bank has --
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de er de samme som Verdensbanken har --
02:24
on the scale of income differences
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på en skala for indtægtsforskelle
02:26
in these rich developed market democracies.
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i disse rige, udviklede markedsdemokratier.
02:29
The measure we've used,
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Målet, vi har brugt,
02:31
because it's easy to understand and you can download it,
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fordi det er let at forstå, og man kan downloade det,
02:33
is how much richer the top 20 percent
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er, hvor meget rigere de øverste 20 procent
02:35
than the bottom 20 percent in each country.
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er end de nederste 20 procent i hvert land.
02:38
And you see in the more equal countries on the left --
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Og I ser hos de mere lige lande til venstre --
02:41
Japan, Finland, Norway, Sweden --
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Japan, Finland, Norge, Sverige --
02:43
the top 20 percent are about three and a half, four times as rich
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er de øverste 20 procent omkring tre en halv, fire gange så rige
02:45
as the bottom 20 percent.
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som de nederste 20 procent.
02:48
But on the more unequal end --
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Men i den mere ulige ende --
02:50
U.K., Portugal, USA, Singapore --
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England, Portugal, USA, Singapore --
02:52
the differences are twice as big.
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er forskellene dobbelt så store.
02:55
On that measure, we are twice as unequal
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Ved det mål er vi dobbelt så ulige
02:58
as some of the other successful market democracies.
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som nogle af de andre succesrige markedsdemokratier.
03:02
Now I'm going to show you what that does to our societies.
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Nu vil jeg vise jer, hvad det gør ved vores samfund.
03:06
We collected data on problems with social gradients,
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Vi indsamlede data på problemer med sociale gradienter,
03:09
the kind of problems that are more common
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den slags problemer, der er mere almindelige
03:11
at the bottom of the social ladder.
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på bunden af den social stige.
03:13
Internationally comparable data on life expectancy,
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Internationalt sammenlignelige data på forventet livslængde,
03:16
on kids' maths and literacy scores,
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på børns matematik- og læseforståelsesscorer,
03:19
on infant mortality rates, homicide rates,
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på spædbørnsdødelighed, mordrater,
03:22
proportion of the population in prison, teenage birthrates,
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brøkdel af befolkningen i fængsel, teenagefødselsrater,
03:25
levels of trust,
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tillidsniveauer,
03:27
obesity, mental illness --
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fedme, psykisk sygdom --
03:29
which in standard diagnostic classification
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der som standard i diagnostisk klassifikation
03:32
includes drug and alcohol addiction --
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inkluderer narko- og alkoholafhængighed --
03:34
and social mobility.
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og social mobilitet.
03:36
We put them all in one index.
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Vi lagde dem alle i et index.
03:39
They're all weighted equally.
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De vægtes alle lige.
03:41
Where a country is is a sort of average score on these things.
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Hvor et land er, er en art gennemsnitsscore på disse ting.
03:44
And there, you see it
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Og der ser I det
03:46
in relation to the measure of inequality I've just shown you,
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i forhold til målingen af ulighed, jeg lige har vist jer,
03:49
which I shall use over and over again in the data.
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som jeg vil bruge igen og igen til dataene.
03:52
The more unequal countries
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De mere ulige lande
03:54
are doing worse
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klarer sig dårligere
03:56
on all these kinds of social problems.
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på alle disse sociale problemer.
03:58
It's an extraordinarily close correlation.
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Det er en usædvanlig tæt sammenhæng.
04:01
But if you look at that same index
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Men hvis man ser på det samme index
04:03
of health and social problems
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over sundheds- og sociale problemer
04:05
in relation to GNP per capita,
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i forhold til BNP per capita,
04:07
gross national income,
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bruttonationalprodukt,
04:09
there's nothing there,
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er der ingenting,
04:11
no correlation anymore.
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ingen sammenhæng længere.
04:14
We were a little bit worried
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Vi var en smule bekymrede for,
04:16
that people might think
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at folk skulle tro,
04:18
we'd been choosing problems to suit our argument
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vi havde valgt problemer, der passede ind i vores argument,
04:20
and just manufactured this evidence,
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og bare fabrikeret dette bevis,
04:23
so we also did a paper in the British Medical Journal
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så vi lavede også en artikel i British Medical Journal
04:26
on the UNICEF index of child well-being.
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på UNICEF-indekset over børnevelfærd.
04:30
It has 40 different components
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Det har 40 forskellige komponenter
04:32
put together by other people.
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sat sammen af andre mennesker.
04:34
It contains whether kids can talk to their parents,
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Det omfatter, hvorvidt børn kan tale med deres forældre,
04:37
whether they have books at home,
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hvorvidt de har bøger derhjemme,
04:39
what immunization rates are like, whether there's bullying at school.
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hvordan vaccinationsraterne er, hvorvidt der er mobning i skolen.
04:42
Everything goes into it.
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Alt kommer med i det.
04:44
Here it is in relation to that same measure of inequality.
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Her er det i forhold til det samme mål for ulighed.
04:48
Kids do worse in the more unequal societies.
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Børn klarer sig dårligere i de mere ulige samfund.
04:51
Highly significant relationship.
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Meget tydelig sammenhæng.
04:54
But once again,
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Men endnu engang,
04:56
if you look at that measure of child well-being,
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hvis man ser på det mål for børnevelfærd
04:59
in relation to national income per person,
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i forhold til nationalindkomst per person,
05:01
there's no relationship,
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er der intet forhold,
05:03
no suggestion of a relationship.
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intet tegn på en sammenhæng.
05:06
What all the data I've shown you so far says
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Det, alle de data, jeg lige har vist jer, indtil videre siger,
05:09
is the same thing.
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er det samme.
05:11
The average well-being of our societies
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Den gennemsnitlige velfærd i vores samfund
05:13
is not dependent any longer
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afhænger ikke længere
05:16
on national income and economic growth.
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af nationalindtægt og økonomisk vækst.
05:19
That's very important in poorer countries,
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Det er meget vigtigt i fattigere lande,
05:21
but not in the rich developed world.
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men ikke i den rige, udviklede verden.
05:24
But the differences between us
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Men forskellene mellem os
05:26
and where we are in relation to each other
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og der, hvor vi er i forhold til hinanden,
05:28
now matter very much.
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tæller nu rigtig meget.
05:31
I'm going to show you some of the separate bits of our index.
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Jeg vil vise jer nogle af de forskellige dele af vores indeks.
05:34
Here, for instance, is trust.
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Her for eksempel er tillid.
05:36
It's simply the proportion of the population
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Det er simpelthen andelen af befolkningen,
05:38
who agree most people can be trusted.
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der er enig i, at man kan stole på de fleste.
05:40
It comes from the World Values Survey.
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Det kommer fra World Values Survey.
05:42
You see, at the more unequal end,
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Ser I i den mere ulige ende,
05:44
it's about 15 percent of the population
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er det omkring 15 procent af befolkningen,
05:47
who feel they can trust others.
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der føler, de kan stole på andre.
05:49
But in the more equal societies,
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Men i de mere lige samfund
05:51
it rises to 60 or 65 percent.
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vokser den til 60 eller 65 procent.
05:55
And if you look at measures of involvement in community life
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Og hvis I ser på målene for engagement i samfundet
05:58
or social capital,
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eller social kapital,
06:00
very similar relationships
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meget lignende sammenhænge
06:02
closely related to inequality.
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tæt forbundne med ulighed.
06:05
I may say, we did all this work twice.
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Jeg vil gerne sige, vi gjorde al dette arbejde to gange.
06:08
We did it first on these rich, developed countries,
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Vi gjorde det først med disse rige, udviklede lande,
06:11
and then as a separate test bed,
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og så som en separat prøvebænk
06:13
we repeated it all on the 50 American states --
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gentog vi det hele med de 50 amerikanske stater --
06:16
asking just the same question:
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vi spurgte bare det samme spørgsmål:
06:18
do the more unequal states
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klarer de mere ulige stater
06:20
do worse on all these kinds of measures?
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sig dårligere på alle disse måder?
06:22
So here is trust from a general social survey of the federal government
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Så her er tillid fra en generel socialundersøgelse af forbundsregeringen
06:26
related to inequality.
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i forhold til ulighed.
06:28
Very similar scatter
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Meget lignende fordeling
06:30
over a similar range of levels of trust.
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over en lignende fordeling af tillid.
06:32
Same thing is going on.
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Det samme sker.
06:34
Basically we found
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Grundliggende fandt vi,
06:36
that almost anything that's related to trust internationally
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at næsten alt, der er relateret til tillid internationalt,
06:39
is related to trust amongst the 50 states
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er relateret til tillid blandt de 50 stater
06:41
in that separate test bed.
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i den separate prøvebænk.
06:43
We're not just talking about a fluke.
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Vi taler ikke bare om et lykketræf.
06:45
This is mental illness.
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Det her er psykisk sygdom.
06:47
WHO put together figures
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WHO sammensatte diagrammer
06:49
using the same diagnostic interviews
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og brugte de samme diagnostiske interviews
06:51
on random samples of the population
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på tilfældige udpluk af befolkningen
06:53
to allow us to compare rates of mental illness
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for at gøre os i stand til at sammenligne hyppighederne af psykisk sygdom
06:56
in each society.
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i hvert samfund.
06:58
This is the percent of the population
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Dette er procentdelen af befolkningen
07:00
with any mental illness in the preceding year.
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med en psykisk sygdom i det foregående år.
07:03
And it goes from about eight percent
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Og den går fra omkring otte procent
07:06
up to three times that --
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op til tre gange det --
07:08
whole societies
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hele samfund
07:10
with three times the level of mental illness of others.
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med tre gange mængden af psykisk sygdom som andre.
07:13
And again, closely related to inequality.
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Og igen, tæt forbundet med ulighed.
07:17
This is violence.
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Dette er vold.
07:19
These red dots are American states,
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De røde prikker er amerikanske stater,
07:21
and the blue triangles are Canadian provinces.
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og de blå trekanter er canadiske provinser.
07:25
But look at the scale of the differences.
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Men se på størrelsen af forskellene.
07:28
It goes from 15 homicides per million
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Den går fra 15 mord per million
07:31
up to 150.
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op til 150.
07:34
This is the proportion of the population in prison.
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Dette er andelen af befolkningen i fængsel.
07:37
There's a about a tenfold difference there,
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Der er omkring en tifoldig forskel der,
07:40
log scale up the side.
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log-skala op ad siden.
07:42
But it goes from about 40 to 400
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Men den går fra omkring 40 til 400
07:44
people in prison.
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personer i fængsel.
07:47
That relationship
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Det forhold
07:49
is not mainly driven by more crime.
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er ikke hovedsagligt drevet af mere kriminalitet.
07:51
In some places, that's part of it.
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Nogle steder er dét en del af det.
07:54
But most of it is about more punitive sentencing,
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Men det meste skyldes skrappere afstraffelse,
07:56
harsher sentencing.
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hårdere straffe.
07:58
And the more unequal societies
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Og de mere ulige samfund
08:00
are more likely also to retain the death penalty.
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bibeholder også oftere dødsstraffen.
08:04
Here we have children dropping out of high school.
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Her har vi børn, der dropper ud af high school.
08:09
Again, quite big differences.
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Igen ret store forskelle.
08:11
Extraordinarily damaging,
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Usædvanligt skadende,
08:13
if you're talking about using the talents of the population.
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hvis man taler om at udnytte befolkningens talenter.
08:16
This is social mobility.
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Dette er social mobilitet.
08:19
It's actually a measure of mobility
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Det er faktisk et mål for mobilitet
08:21
based on income.
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baseret på indkomst.
08:23
Basically, it's asking:
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Grundlæggende spørger det:
08:25
do rich fathers have rich sons
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har rige fædre rige sønner,
08:27
and poor fathers have poor sons,
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og har fattige fædre fattige sønner,
08:29
or is there no relationship between the two?
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eller er der ingen sammenhæng mellem de to?
08:32
And at the more unequal end,
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Og i den mere ulige ende
08:34
fathers' income is much more important --
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er fædres indkomst meget vigtigere --
08:37
in the U.K., USA.
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i England, USA.
08:40
And in Scandinavian countries,
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Og i Skandinavien
08:42
fathers' income is much less important.
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er fædres indkomst meget mindre vigtigt.
08:44
There's more social mobility.
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Der er mere social mobilitet.
08:47
And as we like to say --
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Og som vi kan lide at sige, --
08:49
and I know there are a lot of Americans in the audience here --
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og jeg ved, der er mange amerikanere blandt publikum her --
08:52
if Americans want to live the American dream,
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hvis amerikanere vil udleve den amerikanske drøm,
08:55
they should go to Denmark.
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bør de tage til Danmark.
08:57
(Laughter)
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(Latter)
08:59
(Applause)
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(Bifald)
09:03
I've shown you just a few things in italics here.
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Jeg har kun vist jer få ting i kursiv her.
09:06
I could have shown a number of other problems.
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Jeg kunne have vist et antal af andre problemer.
09:08
They're all problems that tend to be more common
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De er alle problemer, der ofte er mere almindelige
09:10
at the bottom of the social gradient.
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på bunden af den sociale gradient.
09:12
But there are endless problems with social gradients
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Men der er uendelige problemer med sociale gradienter,
09:17
that are worse in more unequal countries --
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der er værre i mere ulige lande --
09:19
not just a little bit worse,
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ikke bare en lille smule værre,
09:21
but anything from twice as common to 10 times as common.
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men alt fra dobbelt så almindeligt til 10 gange så almindeligt.
09:24
Think of the expense,
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Tænk på udgiften,
09:26
the human cost of that.
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den menneskelige pris for det.
09:29
I want to go back though to this graph that I showed you earlier
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Jeg vil dog gå tilbage til denne graf, som jeg viste jer tidligere,
09:31
where we put it all together
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hvor vi lægger det hele sammen
09:33
to make two points.
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for at vise to pointer.
09:35
One is that, in graph after graph,
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Den ene er, at på graf efter graf
09:38
we find the countries that do worse,
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finder vi, at de lande, der klarer sig dårligere
09:40
whatever the outcome,
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uanset udfaldet,
09:42
seem to be the more unequal ones,
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lader til at være de mere ulige,
09:44
and the ones that do well
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og dem, der klarer sig godt,
09:46
seem to be the Nordic countries and Japan.
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lader til at være de nordiske lande og Japan.
09:49
So what we're looking at
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Så det, vi ser på,
09:51
is general social disfunction related to inequality.
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er generel social disfunktion relateret til ulighed.
09:54
It's not just one or two things that go wrong,
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Det er ikke bare en eller to ting, der går galt,
09:56
it's most things.
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det er de fleste.
09:58
The other really important point I want to make on this graph
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Den anden virkelig vigtige pointe, jeg vil vise ud fra denne graf,
10:01
is that, if you look at the bottom,
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er, at hvis I ser på bunden,
10:03
Sweden and Japan,
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Sverige og Japan,
10:06
they're very different countries in all sorts of ways.
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er de meget forskellige lande på alle mulige måder.
10:09
The position of women,
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Kvinders position,
10:11
how closely they keep to the nuclear family,
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hvor tæt de holder sig til kernefamilien,
10:13
are on opposite ends of the poles
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er på de modsatte ender af polerne,
10:15
in terms of the rich developed world.
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når man snakker om den rige, udviklede verden.
10:17
But another really important difference
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Men en anden meget vigtig forskel
10:19
is how they get their greater equality.
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er, hvordan de opnår deres større lighed.
10:22
Sweden has huge differences in earnings,
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Sverige har enorme forskelle i lønninger,
10:25
and it narrows the gap through taxation,
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og det formindsker kløften gennem skat,
10:27
general welfare state,
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generel velfærdsstat,
10:29
generous benefits and so on.
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generøse fordele og så videre.
10:32
Japan is rather different though.
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Japan er dog ret anderledes.
10:34
It starts off with much smaller differences in earnings before tax.
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Det har i forvejen meget mindre forskelle i lønninger før skat.
10:37
It has lower taxes.
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Det har lavere skatter.
10:39
It has a smaller welfare state.
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Det har en mindre velfærdsstat.
10:41
And in our analysis of the American states,
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Og i vores analyse af de amerikanske stater,
10:43
we find rather the same contrast.
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finder vi den samme kontrast.
10:45
There are some states that do well through redistribution,
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Der er nogle stater, der klarer sig godt gennem omfordeling,
10:48
some states that do well
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nogle stater, der klarer sig godt,
10:50
because they have smaller income differences before tax.
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fordi de har mindre indkomstforskelle før skat.
10:53
So we conclude
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Så vi konkluderer,
10:55
that it doesn't much matter how you get your greater equality,
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at det ikke tæller meget, hvordan man opnår sin større lighed,
10:58
as long as you get there somehow.
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så længe man opnår den på en eller anden måde.
11:00
I am not talking about perfect equality,
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Jeg taler ikke om perfekt lighed,
11:02
I'm talking about what exists in rich developed market democracies.
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jeg taler om det, der eksisterer i rige, udviklede markedsdemokratier.
11:08
Another really surprising part of this picture
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En anden virkelig overraskende del af dette billede
11:13
is that it's not just the poor
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er, at det ikke bare er de fattige,
11:15
who are affected by inequality.
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der bliver påvirket af ulighed.
11:18
There seems to be some truth in John Donne's
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Der lader til at være noget sandhed i John Donnes
11:20
"No man is an island."
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"Ingen mand er en ø."
11:23
And in a number of studies, it's possible to compare
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Og i et antal studier er det muligt at sammenligne,
11:26
how people do in more and less equal countries
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hvordan folk klarer sig mere eller mindre lige lande
11:29
at each level in the social hierarchy.
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på hvert niveau i det sociale hierarki.
11:32
This is just one example.
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Dette er bare et eksempel.
11:35
It's infant mortality.
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Det er spædbørnsdødelighed.
11:37
Some Swedes very kindly classified a lot of their infant deaths
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Nogle svenskere klassificerede meget venligt en masse af deres spædbørnsdødsfald
11:40
according to the British register of general socioeconomic classification.
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efter det britiske register for generel socioøkonomisk klassifikation.
11:45
And so it's anachronistically
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Og derfor er det anakronistisk
11:48
a classification by fathers' occupations,
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en klassifikation efter fædres beskæftigelse,
11:50
so single parents go on their own.
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så enlige forældre står for sig.
11:52
But then where it says "low social class,"
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Men så hvor den siger "lav social klasse,"
11:55
that's unskilled manual occupations.
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er det ufaglært manuelt arbejde.
11:58
It goes through towards the skilled manual occupations in the middle,
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Den går gennem det faglærte manuelle arbejde i midten,
12:02
then the junior non-manual,
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så junior ikke-manuelt,
12:04
going up high to the professional occupations --
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og højt op til de professionelle beskæftigelser --
12:07
doctors, lawyers,
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doktorer, advokater,
12:09
directors of larger companies.
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direktører for store firmaer.
12:11
You see there that Sweden does better than Britain
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I kan se der, at Sverige klarer sig bedre end England
12:14
all the way across the social hierarchy.
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hele vejen over det sociale hierarki.
12:19
The biggest differences are at the bottom of society.
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De største forskelle er på bunden af samfundet.
12:21
But even at the top,
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Men selv på toppen
12:23
there seems to be a small benefit
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lader der til at være en lille fordel
12:25
to being in a more equal society.
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ved at være i et mere lige samfund.
12:27
We show that on about five different sets of data
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Det viser vi på omkring fem forskellige datasæt,
12:30
covering educational outcomes
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der dækker uddannelsesudbytte
12:32
and health in the United States and internationally.
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og sundhed i USA og internationalt.
12:35
And that seems to be the general picture --
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Og det lader til at være det generelle billede --
12:38
that greater equality makes most difference at the bottom,
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at større lighed gør størst forskel på bunden,
12:41
but has some benefits even at the top.
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men har nogle fordele selv på toppen.
12:44
But I should say a few words about what's going on.
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Men jeg bør sige et par ord om, hvad der foregår.
12:48
I think I'm looking and talking
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Jeg tror, jeg ser og taler
12:50
about the psychosocial effects of inequality.
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om de psykosociale effekter af ulighed.
12:53
More to do with feelings of superiority and inferiority,
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Mere at gøre med følelser af overlegenhed og underlegenhed,
12:56
of being valued and devalued,
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af at blive værdsat og ikke at blive det,
12:58
respected and disrespected.
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respekteret og ikke at blive det.
13:01
And of course, those feelings
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Og selvfølgelig, de følelser
13:03
of the status competition that comes out of that
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af statuskonkurrence, der udspringer heraf,
13:06
drives the consumerism in our society.
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driver forbrugermentaliteten i vores samfund.
13:09
It also leads to status insecurity.
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Det leder også til statususikkerhed.
13:12
We worry more about how we're judged and seen by others,
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Vi bekymrer os mere om, hvordan vi bliver bedømt og set af andre,
13:16
whether we're regarded as attractive, clever,
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om vi bliver anset for attraktive, kloge,
13:19
all that kind of thing.
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al den slags ting.
13:22
The social-evaluative judgments increase,
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De social-evaluative domme stiger,
13:25
the fear of those social-evaluative judgments.
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frygten for disse social-evaluative domme.
13:29
Interestingly,
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Interessant,
13:31
some parallel work going on in social psychology:
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noget parallelarbejde er i gang i socialpsykologi:
13:35
some people reviewed 208 different studies
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nogle folk gennemgik 208 forskellige studier,
13:38
in which volunteers had been invited
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hvori frivillige var blevet inviteret
13:41
into a psychological laboratory
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ind i et psykologilaboratorium
13:43
and had their stress hormones,
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og fik deres stresshormoner,
13:45
their responses to doing stressful tasks, measured.
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deres reaktioner på at lave stressende opgaver, målt.
13:49
And in the review,
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Og i sidste ende
13:51
what they were interested in seeing
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var det, de var interesserede i at finde ud af,
13:53
is what kind of stresses
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hvilke typer af stress,
13:55
most reliably raise levels of cortisol,
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der oftest øgede mængden af cortisol,
13:58
the central stress hormone.
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det centrale stresshormon.
14:00
And the conclusion was
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Og konklusionen var,
14:02
it was tasks that included social-evaluative threat --
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det var opgaver, der inkluderede social-evaluative trusler --
14:05
threats to self-esteem or social status
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trusler mod selvværd eller social status,
14:08
in which others can negatively judge your performance.
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i hvilke andre kan bedømme ens præstation negativt.
14:11
Those kind of stresses
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Disse typer af stress
14:13
have a very particular effect
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har meget specifik effekt
14:16
on the physiology of stress.
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på stressens fysiologi.
14:20
Now we have been criticized.
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Nå, vi er blevet kritiserede.
14:22
Of course, there are people who dislike this stuff
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Selvfølgelig er der folk, der ikke kan lide den slags,
14:25
and people who find it very surprising.
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og folk der bliver meget overraskede.
14:28
I should tell you though
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Jeg skal dog fortælle jer,
14:30
that when people criticize us for picking and choosing data,
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at når folk kritiserer os for at vælge og vrage data,
14:33
we never pick and choose data.
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vælger og vrager vi aldrig data.
14:35
We have an absolute rule
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Vi har en absolut regel,
14:37
that if our data source has data for one of the countries we're looking at,
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at hvis vores datakilder har data på en af landene vi kigger på,
14:40
it goes into the analysis.
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kommer de med i analysen.
14:42
Our data source decides
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Vores datakilder beslutter,
14:44
whether it's reliable data,
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om det er troværdige data,
14:46
we don't.
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vi gør ikke.
14:48
Otherwise that would introduce bias.
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Ellers ville det gøre os partiske.
14:50
What about other countries?
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Hvad med andre lande?
14:52
There are 200 studies
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Der er 200 studier
14:55
of health in relation to income and equality
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af sundhed i forhold til indkomst og lighed
14:58
in the academic peer-reviewed journals.
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i de akademiske gennemlæste journaler.
15:01
This isn't confined to these countries here,
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Dette er ikke begrænset til disse lande
15:04
hiding a very simple demonstration.
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for at skjule et meget simpelt bevis.
15:06
The same countries,
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De samme lande,
15:08
the same measure of inequality,
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de samme mål for ulighed,
15:10
one problem after another.
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et problem efter et andet.
15:14
Why don't we control for other factors?
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Hvorfor regulerer vi ikke for andre faktorer?
15:16
Well we've shown you that GNP per capita
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Altså, vi har vist jer, at BNP per capita
15:18
doesn't make any difference.
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ikke gør nogen forskel.
15:20
And of course, others using more sophisticated methods in the literature
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Og selvfølgelig har andre ved at bruge mere sofistikerede metoder i litteraturen
15:24
have controlled for poverty and education
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reguleret for fattigdom og uddannelse
15:26
and so on.
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og så videre.
15:30
What about causality?
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Hvad med kausalitet?
15:32
Correlation in itself doesn't prove causality.
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Sammenhæng i sig selv beviser ikke kausalitet.
15:35
We spend a good bit of time.
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Vi bruger en god mængde tid.
15:37
And indeed, people know the causal links quite well
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Og folk kender virkelig de kausale bånd ret godt
15:39
in some of these outcomes.
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for nogle af disse resultater.
15:41
The big change in our understanding
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Den store forandring i vores forståelse
15:43
of drivers of chronic health
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af det, der driver kronisk helbred
15:45
in the rich developed world
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i den rige, udviklede verden,
15:47
is how important chronic stress from social sources
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er, hvor alvorligt kronisk stress fra sociale kilder
15:51
is affecting the immune system,
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påvirker immunforsvaret,
15:53
the cardiovascular system.
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hjerte-kar-systemet.
15:56
Or for instance, the reason why violence
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Eller for eksempel grunden til vold
15:58
becomes more common in more unequal societies
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bliver mere normalt i mere ulige samfund,
16:01
is because people are sensitive to being looked down on.
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er fordi folk er følsomme over for at blive set ned på.
16:06
I should say that to deal with this,
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Jeg vil sige, at for at håndtere dette,
16:09
we've got to deal with the post-tax things
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er vi nødt til at konfrontere efter skat-tingene
16:11
and the pre-tax things.
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og før skat-tingene.
16:13
We've got to constrain income,
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Vi er nødt til at begrænse indkomst,
16:16
the bonus culture incomes at the top.
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bonuskulturindkomsterne på toppen.
16:18
I think we must make our bosses accountable to their employees
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Jeg tror, vi er nødt til at stille vores chefer til regnskab over for deres ansatte
16:21
in any way we can.
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på enhver måde, vi kan.
16:24
I think the take-home message though
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Jeg tror dog, det vi skal tænke over,
16:27
is that we can improve the real quality of human life
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er, at vi kan forbedre kvaliteten af menneskers liv for alvor
16:31
by reducing the differences in incomes between us.
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ved at reducere forskellen i indkomst mellem os.
16:34
Suddenly we have a handle
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Pludselig har vi en ventil
16:36
on the psychosocial well-being of whole societies,
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til hele samfunds psykologiske velbefindende,
16:38
and that's exciting.
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og det er spændende.
16:40
Thank you.
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Tak.
16:42
(Applause)
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(Bifald)
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Richard Wilkinson - Public health researcherIn "The Spirit Level," Richard Wilkinson charts data that proves societies that are more equal are healthier, happier societies.
Why you should listen
For decades, Richard Wilkinson has studied the social effects of income inequality and how social forces affect health. In The Spirit Level, a book coauthored with Kate Pickett, he lays out reams of statistical evidence that, among developed countries, societies that are more equal – with a smaller income gap between rich and poor -- are happier and healthier than societies with greater disparities in the distribution of wealth.
While poverty has long been recognized as an indicator for such social ills as crime, obesity, teen pregnancy, Wilkinson and Pickett have demonstrated that societal well-being bears no relation to per capita income. They’ve also found that the symptoms of inequality trouble all levels of society. Across the board, mental health, levels of violence and addiction, even life expectancy are affected by the psycho-social stress caused by income gaps and status anxiety.
In the UK, The Spirit Level won support from politicians both left and right. Wilkinson, who is Professor Emeritus of Social Epidemiology at the University of Nottingham, also cofounded The Equality Trust, a nonprofit that aims to reduce income inequality by educating and engaging the public while supporting political commitment to address the problem.
He says: "While I'd always assumed that an equal society must score better on social cohesion, I never expected to find such clear differences between existing market economies."
NEW: Read the TED Blog's Q&A with Richard Wilkinson >>
Richard Wilkinson | Speaker | TED.com