TEDGlobal 2013
Trita Parsi: Iran and Israel: Peace is possible
Trita Parsi: Irani dhe Israeli: Paqja eshte e mundshme.
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Irani dhe Israeli: dy kombe me marredhenie te tensionuara qe duken ne konflikt ekzistencialisht. Por per gjithe retoriken e tyre antagoniste, duket se ekziston nje e kaluar e fshehur mbi bashkepunimin, madje dhe miqesi. Ne nje fjalim informativ, Trita Parsi tregon se si nje aleance strategjike e pashprese ne te shkuaren mund te nenkuptoje paqe ne te ardhmen per keto dy shtete nen konflikt.
Trita Parsi - Political scientist
Trita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts. Full bio
Trita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
"Iran is Israel's best friend,
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"Irani eshte miku i ngushte i Izraelit,
00:14
and we do not intend to change our position
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dhe nuk kemi ndermend te ndryshojme poziten tone
00:17
in relation to Tehran."
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ne lidhje me Teheranin."
00:20
Believe it or not, this is a quote
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Besojeni apo jo, ky eshte nje citat
00:22
from an Israeli prime minister,
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nga nje kryeminister i Israelit,
00:24
but it's not Ben-Gurion or Golda Meir
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por nuk eshte Ben-Gurion apo Golda Meir
00:26
from the era of the Shah.
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nga epoka e Shah-ut.
00:29
It's actually from Yitzhak Rabin.
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Eshte faktikisht nga Yitzhak Rabin.
00:31
The year is 1987.
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Eshte viti 1987.
00:34
Ayatollah Khomeini is still alive,
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Ayatollah Khomeini jeton ende,
00:35
and much like Ahmadinejad today,
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dhe pak a shume si Ahmadinejad sot,
00:37
he's using the worst rhetoric against Israel.
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ai po perdor retoriken me te keqe kundrejt Israelit.
00:40
Yet, Rabin referred to Iran
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Sidoqofte, Rabin i rreferohet Iranit
00:43
as a geostrategic friend.
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si nje mik gjeostrategjik.
00:46
Today, when we hear the threats of war
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Sot, kur degjojme per kercenimet e luftes
00:49
and the high rhetoric,
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dhe retoriken e larte,
00:51
we're oftentimes led to believe
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shpesh perpiqemi te besojme
00:52
that this is yet another one of those unsolvable
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se ky eshte ende nje nga ato konfliktet
00:55
Middle Eastern conflicts
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e pazgjidhura te Lindjes se Mesme
00:57
with roots as old as the region itself.
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me rrenjet aq te vjetra sa dhe rajoni vete.
01:01
Nothing could be further from the truth,
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Asgje nuk mund te jete me larg te vertetes,
01:05
and I hope today to show you why that is.
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dhe shpresoj sot t'ju tregoj pse-ne.
01:09
The relations between the Iranian and the Jewish people
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Lidhjet midis njerezve te Iranit dhe Israelit
01:11
throughout history has actually been quite positive,
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gjate historise kane qene realisht pozitive,
01:14
starting in 539 B.C.,
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duke filluar ne 539 P.K,
01:16
when King Cyrus the Great of Persia
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kur mbreti Cyrus i Persise se Madhe
01:18
liberated the Jewish people from their Babylonian captivity.
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cliroi njerezit Hebre nga roberia e Babilonise.
01:22
A third of the Jewish population
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Nje e treta e popullsise hebre
01:24
stayed in Babylonia.
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qendroi ne Babiloni.
01:26
They're today's Iraqi Jews.
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Ata jane sot hebrenjte e Irakut.
01:28
A third migrated to Persia.
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Nje e treta emigroi ne Persi.
01:31
They're today's Iranian Jews,
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Ata jane sot Hebrenjte e Iranit,
01:33
still 25,000 of them living in Iran,
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ende 25.000 nga ata jetojne ne Iran,
01:36
making them the largest Jewish community
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duke i bere ata komuniteti me i madh hebre
01:38
in the Middle East outside of Israel itself.
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ne Lindjen e Mesme jashte Israelit.
01:41
And a third returned to historic Palestine,
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Dhe nje e treta u kthye ne Palestinen historike,
01:44
did the second rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem,
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kryen rindertimin e dyte te Tempullit ne Jerusalem,
01:47
financed, incidentally, by Persian tax money.
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te financuar, rastesisht, nga parate e taksave persiane.
01:52
But even in modern times,
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Por edhe ne kohet moderne,
01:54
relations have been close at times.
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lidhjet kane qene te aferta.
01:57
Rabin's statement was a reflection
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Deklarata e Rabin ishte nje reflektim
02:00
of decades of security and intelligence collaboration
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i dekadave te bashkepunimit te sigurise dhe inteligjences
02:04
between the two, which in turn
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ndermjet tyre, e cila sic duket
02:06
was born out of perception of common threats.
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lindi nga perceptimi i kercenimeve te zakonshme.
02:10
Both states feared the Soviet Union
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Te dy shtetet frikesoheshin nga Bashkimi Sovjetik
02:13
and strong Arab states such as Egypt and Iraq.
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dhe shtetet Arabe te fuqishme si Egjipti dhe Iraku.
02:18
And, in addition, the Israeli doctrine of the periphery,
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Dhe, vec kesaj, dogmes izraelite te periferise,
02:22
the idea that Israel's security was best achieved
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idese se siguria e Izraelit ishte e arritur me mire
02:26
by creating alliances with the non-Arab states
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duke krijuar aleanca me shtete jo-Arabike
02:30
in the periphery of the region
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ne periferi te rajonit
02:32
in order to balance the Arab states in its vicinity.
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ne menyre qe te balancoje shtetet Arabe ne fqinjesine e saj.
02:36
Now, from the Shah's perspective, though,
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Tani, nga perspektiva e Shah-ut, ndonese,
02:39
he wanted to keep this as secret as possible,
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ai donte ta mbante kete sa me te fshehte,
02:43
so when Yitzhak Rabin, for instance,
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dhe kur Yitzhak Rabin, per shembull,
02:45
traveled to Iran in the '70s,
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udhetonte ne Iran ne vitet 70
02:47
he usually wore a wig
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zakonisht perdorte nje paruke
02:48
so that no one would recognize him.
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ne menyre qe mos ta njihte askush.
02:51
The Iranians built a special tarmac
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Iranianet ndertuan nje piste speciale
02:53
at the airport in Tehran, far away from the central terminal,
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ne aeroportin e Teheranit, shume larg nga terminali qendror,
02:56
so that no one would notice the large number
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qe askush mos dallonte numrin e madh
02:59
of Israeli planes shuttling between Tel Aviv and Tehran.
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te avioneve israelite ndermjet Tel Aviv-it dhe Teheran-it.
03:04
Now, did all of this end with the Islamic revolution
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A perfunduan keto me revolucionin Islamik
03:07
in 1979?
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ne 1979?
03:10
In spite of the very clear anti-Israeli ideology
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Pavaresisht ideologjise shume te qarte kunder-izraelite
03:13
of the new regime, the geopolitical logic
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te regjimit te ri, logjika gjeopolitike
03:17
for their collaboration lived on,
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per bashkepunimin e tyre, vazhdoi,
03:19
because they still had common threats.
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sepse ata kishin ende kercenime te perbashketa.
03:22
And when Iraq invaded Iran in 1980,
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Dhe kur Iraku pushtoi Iranin ne 1980,
03:25
Israel feared an Iraqi victory
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Izraeli pati frike nga nje fitore e Irakut
03:28
and actively helped Iran by selling it arms
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dhe ndihmoi aktivisht Iranin duke i shitur arme
03:30
and providing it with spare parts
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dhe duke e pajisur me pjese rezerve
03:33
for Iran's American weaponry
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per armatimet amerikane te Iranit
03:35
at a moment when Iran was very vulnerable
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ne nje moment ku Irani ishte shume i prekshem
03:38
because of an American arms embargo
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per shkak te nje embargoje amerikane ndaj armeve
03:41
that Israel was more than happy to violate.
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qe Israeli e shkeli me shume deshire.
03:44
In fact, back in the 1980s,
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Ne fakt, pas ne vitet 1980,
03:47
it was Israel that lobbied Washington
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ishte Israeli qe loboi ne Washington
03:49
to talk to Iran, to sell arms to Iran,
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te flase me Iran, ti shese arme Iranit,
03:54
and not pay attention to Iran's anti-Israeli ideology.
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dhe te mos i jape rendesi ideologjise kunder-izraelite te Iranit.
03:59
And this, of course, climaxed
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Dhe kjo, sigurisht, arriti kulmin
04:01
in the Iran-Contra scandal of the 1980s.
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ne skandalin e Iran-Contra ne vitet 80.
04:06
But with the end of the Cold War
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Por me fundin e Luftes se Ftohte
04:08
came also the end of the Israeli-Iranian cold peace.
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erdhi gjithashtu edhe fundi i paqes se ftohte Izrael-Iran.
04:12
Suddenly, the two common threats
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Papritur, dy kercenimet e perbashketa
04:15
that had pushed them closer together throughout decades,
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qe i kishin afruar permes dekadave,
04:18
more or less evaporated.
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pak a shume u zhduken.
04:20
The Soviet Union collapsed,
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Bashkimi Sovjetik u shemb,
04:22
Iraq was defeated,
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Iraku u mund
04:24
and a new environment was created in the region
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dhe nje mjedis i ri u krijua ne rajon
04:26
in which both of them felt more secure,
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ne te cilin te dy ata ndjeheshin me te sigurte,
04:28
but they were also now left unchecked.
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por gjithashtu ishin lene tashme te pakontrolluar.
04:31
Without Iraq balancing Iran,
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Pa Irakun qe balanconte Iranin,
04:34
Iran could now become a threat,
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Irani tashme mund te kthehej ne nje kercenim,
04:36
some in Israel argued.
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argumentonin disa ne Izrael.
04:39
In fact, the current dynamic
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Ne fakt, dinamika aktuale
04:42
that you see between Iran and Israel
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qe mund te shihni ndermjet Iranit dhe Israelit
04:44
has its roots more so
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i ka rrenjet me te thella
04:46
in the geopolitical reconfiguration of the region
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ne rikofingurimin gjeopolitik te rajonit
04:49
after the Cold War
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pas Luftes se Ftohte
04:50
than in the events of 1979,
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sesa ne ngjarjet e 1979,
04:53
because at this point, Iran and Israel
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sepse ne kete pike, Irani dhe Izraeli
04:56
emerge as two of the most powerful states in the region,
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shfaqeshin si dy nga shtetet me te fuqishme ne rajon,
05:00
and rather than viewing each other
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dhe ne vend qe te shiheshin ndermjet tyre
05:01
as potential security partners,
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si partnere te mundshem sigurie,
05:03
they increasingly came to view each other
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ata gjithnje e me shume nisen te shiheshin
05:06
as rivals and competitors.
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si kundershtare dhe konkurues.
05:09
So Israel, who in the 1980s
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Pra Izraeli, i cili ne 1980
05:11
lobbied for and improved U.S.-Iran relations
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loboi per dhe permiresoi lidhjet Sh.B.A - Iran
05:14
now feared a U.S.-Iran rapprochement,
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tashme frikesohej nga nje rivendosje e raporteve miqesore ndermjet Sh.B.A dhe Iranit,
05:18
thinking that it would come
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duke menduar se mund te perfundonte
05:19
at Israel's security interests' expense,
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te varej nga Izraeli per sigurine,
05:23
and instead sought to put Iran
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dhe ne vend te kesaj kerkoi te vendosi Iranin
05:25
in increased isolation.
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ne izolim te madh.
05:27
Ironically, this was happening at a time
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Ironikisht, kjo po ndodhte ne nje kohe
05:30
when Iran was more interested
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qe Irani ishte me shume i interesuar
05:32
in peacemaking with Washington
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ne paqeberje me Washingtonin
05:35
than to see to Israel's destruction.
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se sa te shikonte shkaterrimin e Izraelit.
05:38
Iran had put itself in isolation
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Irani e kishte vendosur veten ne izolim
05:40
because of its radicalism,
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per shkak te radikalizmit te vet,
05:42
and after having helped the United States indirectly
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dhe pasi kishte ndihmuar Shtetet e Bashkuara terthorazi
05:45
in the war against Iraq in 1991,
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ne luften kundrejt Irakut ne 1991,
05:47
the Iranians were hoping
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iranianet po shpresonin
05:49
that they would be rewarded by being included
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se ata do te shperbleheshin duke u perfshire
05:53
in the post-war security architecture of the region.
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ne arkitekturen e sigurise pas luftes ne rajon.
05:57
But Washington chose to ignore Iran's outreach,
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Por Washingtoni zgjodhi te injoroje shpresen e Iranit,
06:01
as it would a decade later in Afghanistan,
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sic do bente pas nje dekate ne Afganistan,
06:03
and instead moved to intensify Iran's isolation,
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dhe nderkohe zhvilloi rritjen e izolimit te Iranit,
06:08
and it is at this point, around 1993, '94,
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dhe ne kete kohe, rreth 1993, '94,
06:11
that Iran begins to translate
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Irani filloi te perkthente
06:14
its anti-Israeli ideology
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ideologjine e saj kundra-izraelite
06:16
into operational policy.
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ne politike operacionale.
06:18
The Iranians believed that whatever they did,
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Iranianet besonin se cfaredo qe te benin,
06:20
even if they moderated their policies,
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edhe sikur te ndryshonin politikat e tyre,
06:23
the U.S. would continue to seek Iran's isolation,
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Sh.B.A do te vazhdonte te kerkonte izolimin e Iranit,
06:26
and the only way Iran could compel Washington
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dhe e vetmja menyre qe Irani te detyronte Washingtonin
06:30
to change its position was by imposing a cost
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te ndryshonte pozicionin e tij ishte duke i imponuar nje kosto
06:33
on the U.S. if it didn't.
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Sh.B.A nese nuk do ta ndryshonin.
06:36
The easiest target was the peace process,
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Objektivi me i lehte ishte procesi i paqes
06:40
and now the Iranian ideological bark
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dhe ne kete moment befas ideologjia Iraniane
06:43
was to be accompanied by a nonconventional bite,
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duhet te ishte e mbeshtjelle nga nje problem jo tradicional,
06:47
and Iran began supporting extensively
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dhe Irani filloi te mbeshtese gjeresisht
06:51
Palestinian Islamist groups that it previously
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grupet Islamiste Palestineze qe me pare
06:54
had shunned.
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ishin shmangur.
06:57
In some ways, this sounds paradoxical,
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Ne disa menyre, kjo dukej paradoksale,
07:00
but according to Martin Indyk
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por sipas Martin Indyk
07:02
of the Clinton administration,
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te administrates Clinton,
07:04
the Iranians had not gotten it entirely wrong,
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Iranianet nuk e kishin kuptuar totalisht gabim
07:07
because the more peace there would be
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sepse sa me shume paqe do te ekzistonte
07:09
between Israel and Palestine,
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midis Izraelit dhe Palestines,
07:11
the U.S. believed, the more Iran would get isolated.
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sipas Sh.B.A, aq me shume do izolohej Irani.
07:14
The more Iran got isolated, the more peace there would be.
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Sa me shume te izolohej Irani, aq me shume paqe do kishte.
07:17
So according to Indyk, and these are his words,
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Pra sipas Indyk, dhe keto jane fjalet e tij,
07:20
the Iranians had an interest to do us in
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Iranianet kishin nje interes te na fusnin
07:23
on the peace process
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ne procesin e paqes
07:25
in order to defeat our policy of containment.
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ne menyre qe te mposhte politiken e kontrollit.
07:28
To defeat our policy of containment,
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Per te mposhtur politiken tone te kontrollit,
07:31
not about ideology.
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jo per ideologjine.
07:35
But throughout even the worst times of their entanglement,
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Por gjate kesaj edhe ne kohet me te keqija te ngaterresave,
07:39
all sides have reached out to each other.
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te gjitha anet zgjasnin doren tek njera tjetra.
07:42
Netanyahu, when he got elected in 1996,
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Netanyahu, kur u zgjodh ne 1996,
07:45
reached out to the Iranians to see
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i zgjati doren Iranianeve per te pare
07:47
if there were any ways that
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nese do kishte ndonje menyre qe
07:49
the doctrine of the periphery could be resurrected.
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dogma e periferise mund te ringjallej.
07:52
Tehran was not interested.
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Teherani nuk ishte i interesuar.
07:54
A few years later, the Iranians sent
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Disa vite me pas, Iranianet derguan
07:57
a comprehensive negotiation proposal to the Bush administration,
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nje propozim negociate gjitheperfshires ne administraten e Bush-it,
08:01
a proposal that revealed that there was some potential
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nje propozim i cili u zbulua se mund te kishte potencial
08:05
of getting Iran and Israel back on terms again.
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per te futur Iranin dhe Izraelin ne terma perseri.
08:09
The Bush administration did not even respond.
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Administrata e Bush-it nuk u pergjigj fare.
08:12
All sides have never missed an opportunity
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Te gjitha anet nuk kishin humbur kurre nje mundesi
08:15
to miss an opportunity.
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per ta humbur nje tani.
08:20
But this is not an ancient conflict.
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Por ky nuk eshte nje konflikt i lashte.
08:25
This is not even an ideological conflict.
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Ky nuk eshte as nje konflikt ideologjik.
08:28
The ebbs and flows of hostility
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Ngritjet dhe uljet e armiqesise
08:31
have not shifted with ideological zeal,
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nuk kane ndryshuar me zell ideologjik,
08:34
but rather with changes in the geopolitical landscape.
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por me ndryshimet e tablose gjeopolitike.
08:37
When Iran and Israel's security imperatives
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Kur siguria e Iranit dhe Izraelit u be thelbesore
08:39
dictated collaboration, they did so
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dhe diktoi bashkepunim, ata e bene
08:42
in spite of lethal ideological opposition to each other.
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pavaresisht opozites vdekjeprurese ideologjike mbi njeri tjetrin.
08:45
When Iran's ideological impulses collided
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Kur impulset ideologjike te Iranit u perplasen
08:48
with its strategic interests,
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me interesat e tyre strategjike,
08:50
the strategic interests always prevailed.
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interesat strategjike gjithmone mbizoteruan.
08:54
This is good news, because it means
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Ky eshte lajm i mire, sepse tregon
08:57
that neither war nor enmity
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se as lufta as armiqesia
09:00
is a foregone conclusion.
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nuk eshte nje perfundim i pashmangshem.
09:03
But some want war.
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Por disa donin lufte.
09:06
Some believe or say that it's 1938,
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Disa besonin ose thonin se eshte 1938,
09:09
Iran is Germany,
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Irani eshte Gjermani,
09:11
and Ahmadinejad is Hitler.
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dhe Ahmadinejad eshte Hitleri.
09:14
If we accept this to be true,
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Nese e pranojme kete te jete e vertete,
09:16
that indeed it is 1938, Iran is Germany,
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se ne te vertete eshte 1938, Irani eshte Gjermani,
09:19
Ahmadinejad is Hitler,
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Ahmadinejadi eshte Hitleri,
09:22
then the question we have to ask ourself is,
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atehere pyetja qe duhet ti bejme vetes eshte,
09:25
who wishes to play the role of Neville Chamberlain?
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kush deshiron te luaje rolin e Neville Chamberlain?
09:28
Who will risk peace?
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Kush do rrezikoje paqen?
09:31
This is an analogy that is deliberately aimed
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Kjo eshte nje analogji e cila me qellim kerkon
09:34
at eliminating diplomacy,
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te eliminoje diplomacine,
09:37
and when you eliminate diplomacy,
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dhe kur diplomacia eliminohet,
09:39
you make war inevitable.
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atehere lufta behet e pashmangshme.
09:42
In an ideological conflict, there can be no truce,
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Ne nje konflikt ideologjik, nuk mund te kete armepushim,
09:45
no draw, no compromise,
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nuk mund te kete terheqje, as kompromise,
09:47
only victory or defeat.
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vetem fitore ose humbje.
09:51
But rather than making war inevitable
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Por ne vend qe ta bejme luften te pashmangshme
09:54
by viewing this as ideological,
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duke e pare kete si ideologjike,
09:57
we would be wise to seek ways
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do tregoheshim te mencur duke kerkuar menyra
09:59
to make peace possible.
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per te bere paqen te mundshme.
10:02
Iran and Israel's conflict is a new phenomenon,
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Konflikti i Iranint dhe Izraelit eshte nje fenomen i ri,
10:06
only a few decades old
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vetem pak dekadash i vjeter
10:08
in a history of 2,500 years,
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ne nje histori prej 2.500 vitesh,
10:10
and precisely because its roots are geopolitical,
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dhe pikerisht sepse rrenjet e tij jane gjeopolitike,
10:14
it means that solutions can be found,
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do te thote se zgjidhje mund te gjehen,
10:17
compromises can be struck,
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kompromiset mund te kerkohen,
10:20
however difficult it yet may be.
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sa do te veshtira te jene ato.
10:23
After all, it was Yitzhak Rabin himself who said,
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Ne fund te fundit, ishte Yitzhak Rabin qe tha,
10:27
"You don't make peace with your friends.
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"Ti nuk e ben paqen me miqte e tu.
10:30
You make it with your enemies."
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Por me armiqte."
10:32
Thank you.
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Faleminderit.
10:33
(Applause)
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(Duartrokitje)
ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Trita Parsi - Political scientistTrita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts.
Why you should listen
Writer and political scientist Trita Parsi is an expert observer of the labyrinthine relationships between the U.S. and the Middle East, cutting through conventional stereotypes to laying bare the often-contentious history of the region.
When Parsi was only 4, his family fled to Sweden from Iran to escape political repression. Parsi later relocated to the U.S., where he earned a PhD and founded the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), a grassroots organization promoting the interests of the U.S./ Iranian community.
Trita Parsi | Speaker | TED.com