ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Trita Parsi - Political scientist
Trita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts.

Why you should listen

Writer and political scientist Trita Parsi is an expert observer of the labyrinthine relationships between the U.S. and the Middle East, cutting through conventional stereotypes to laying bare the often-contentious history of the region.
 
When Parsi was only 4, his family fled to Sweden from Iran to escape political repression. Parsi later relocated to the U.S., where he earned a PhD and founded the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), a grassroots organization promoting the interests of the U.S./ Iranian community.

More profile about the speaker
Trita Parsi | Speaker | TED.com
TEDGlobal 2013

Trita Parsi: Iran and Israel: Peace is possible

Trita Parsi: Iraan & Israa'iil: Nabaddu waa suura gal

Filmed:
796,662 views

Iran iyo Israil: waa labo wadan oo xariiro hore leh taaso umuuqato in sooxumanayan, laakin dhamaan muronkoodi hadal karsananta, waxaa jirto taarikh kuqarsoon oo iskaashi ah, xataa saaxibtinimo . hadal warbixin leh , Trita Parsi waxo muujinaya sida isbadalka istaraajinimada hore ee lasoo dhafay tasoo kadhigan karto nabada mustqablaka ee labada wadan hadii ay doorbidan .
- Political scientist
Trita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:12
"Iran is Israel's best friend,
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Iran waa saxibka qaaliga ee Israil
00:14
and we do not intend to change our position
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ma anan qorshenne inan badalno boskena
00:17
in relation to Tehran."
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xariirka ee Tehran
00:20
Believe it or not, this is a quote
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rumayso ama ha rumeysan, tani waa midlaga sooxigtay
00:22
from an Israeli prime minister,
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Raiisul wasaare Israil ah
00:24
but it's not Ben-Gurion or Golda Meir
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laakin mahan Ben-Gurion ama Golda Meir
00:26
from the era of the Shah.
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kasoo bilaaw xili taariqeedki Shah.
00:29
It's actually from Yitzhak Rabin.
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Xaqiiqdii waa Yitzhak Rabin kaimaday.
00:31
The year is 1987.
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sanadii 1987.
00:34
Ayatollah Khomeini is still alive,
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Ayatollah Khomeuni weli waa noolyahay,
00:35
and much like Ahmadinejad today,
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iyo kuwo kale badan sida Ahmadnijad maanta,
00:37
he's using the worst rhetoric against Israel.
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wuxuu isticmaalayay hadal karsanan kadhanimada Israil
00:40
Yet, Rabin referred to Iran
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welina, Rabin waxoo tixraacaya Iran
00:43
as a geostrategic friend.
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si saxib ula noqoyo.
00:46
Today, when we hear the threats of war
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Manta, markaynu maqalnay hanjabaada dagalka
00:49
and the high rhetoric,
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iyo codkarsananta baxada leh
00:51
we're oftentimes led to believe
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waxaynka kentay mararka qaar in aaminno
00:52
that this is yet another one of those unsolvable
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inay sanadkani tahay midka mid ah xasilooni darada
00:55
Middle Eastern conflicts
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ka taagan qilaafka Bariga dhexe
00:57
with roots as old as the region itself.
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xididka lafaca ah gobalka qudhiisa
01:01
Nothing could be further from the truth,
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waxba dheerad makunoqon karaan runta
01:05
and I hope today to show you why that is.
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waxaane rajayna manta in idintuso sababta ay sidautahy
01:09
The relations between the Iranian and the Jewish people
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xariirka udhaxeeya Iraaniyinta iyo dadka Yahuuda ah
01:11
throughout history has actually been quite positive,
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Taariqdoo idil waxay ahayd mid ilaa xad macqul ah leh
01:14
starting in 539 B.C.,
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kasoobilaaw 539 B.C.,
01:16
when King Cyrus the Great of Persia
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marki boqor kuuros ee kuwanagsana Persia
01:18
liberated the Jewish people from their Babylonian captivity.
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kaxuroobidii yahuuda kasoobilaw xabsi kabaxsashadii babyloniam.
01:22
A third of the Jewish population
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sadax umeelood meel dadka yahuuda
01:24
stayed in Babylonia.
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ee daganay Babylonia
01:26
They're today's Iraqi Jews.
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waxay yihin manta Ciraaq yahuudooda
01:28
A third migrated to Persia.
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saxad umeelood waxay uguuren Persia
01:31
They're today's Iranian Jews,
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waxaa jiro manta yahuud Iraani ah
01:33
still 25,000 of them living in Iran,
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wili 25,000 oo kamid ah waxay kunool yihin Iran
01:36
making them the largest Jewish community
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ayagoo sameenaya bulshada ugu badan ee yahuuda
01:38
in the Middle East outside of Israel itself.
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wadamada bariga dhaxe bananka Israail
01:41
And a third returned to historic Palestine,
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sadax umeelod waxay kusoo rabteen dhulka taariqiga ee Falastin
01:44
did the second rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem,
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miyey dhismeenti labad ee guriga waxlagu caabudo ee Jerusalem,
01:47
financed, incidentally, by Persian tax money.
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maalgalin kadis ah ka socoto lacagta canshurta Persian
01:52
But even in modern times,
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xataa waqtiyadii casriga
01:54
relations have been close at times.
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xariirada waxay ahaayen kuwo isku soodhawanaya xiliyo
01:57
Rabin's statement was a reflection
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dhambalka Rabin waxoo ahay mid milicsi leh
02:00
of decades of security and intelligence collaboration
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labaatanka sano ee amaanka iyo sirdoonka iska kaashanayeen
02:04
between the two, which in turn
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inta udhaxeeso labadooda , taaso ayana
02:06
was born out of perception of common threats.
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kudhalatay aragtida hanjabaada cadiga
02:10
Both states feared the Soviet Union
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labada wadan waxay kacabsadeen midowgi suufiyed
02:13
and strong Arab states such as Egypt and Iraq.
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wadamada xogan ee Carabta sida masar iyo ciraq
02:18
And, in addition, the Israeli doctrine of the periphery,
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intaa waxaa siidheer caqiidada israail ee geeska
02:22
the idea that Israel's security was best achieved
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fikrada amaanka ee israail waxoo ahay mid an lagu gaari
02:26
by creating alliances with the non-Arab states
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sameenta xulufada an Carabta ahayn
02:30
in the periphery of the region
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gobolada geeska
02:32
in order to balance the Arab states in its vicinity.
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si ay umiisaaman wadamada carabta ee nawaaxiga
02:36
Now, from the Shah's perspective, though,
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hada, kaso bilaw aragtidi Shaah inkastoo
02:39
he wanted to keep this as secret as possible,
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ow rabay in sir ahan ow kukeediyo ilaa inta owoodyo
02:43
so when Yitzhak Rabin, for instance,
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marka yitzhak , tusaale ahan
02:45
traveled to Iran in the '70s,
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waxoo udhoofay Iran 70meeyadi
02:47
he usually wore a wig
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sida caadada ah waxoo xiran jiray buruko
02:48
so that no one would recognize him.
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si cidna maysan garan karin asiga
02:51
The Iranians built a special tarmac
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Iiraniyiinta waxay laami qaas ah kadhiseen
02:53
at the airport in Tehran, far away from the central terminal,
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gigada diyaaridaha ee ehran meel kafok bartanahisa
02:56
so that no one would notice the large number
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tooso cida aysan haleeli karin tirada badan
02:59
of Israeli planes shuttling between Tel Aviv and Tehran.
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iska gooshmadki diyaaridaha Israail inta udhaxeysa tel aviv iyo tehran
03:04
Now, did all of this end with the Islamic revolution
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hada, waxaas dhamantot miyey kudhamaaday kacaanki islamka
03:07
in 1979?
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ee 1979?
03:10
In spite of the very clear anti-Israeli ideology
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caqaradii xumeed ee fikrada Israail looga soohorjeeday
03:13
of the new regime, the geopolitical logic
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ee xukunka cusub ee macquulka galka ahay
03:17
for their collaboration lived on,
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ee xariirkooda siisoconayay,
03:19
because they still had common threats.
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maxaa yeelayay wili waxay is wiidarsanayen hajabadyo
03:22
And when Iraq invaded Iran in 1980,
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markii ciraq ay soosartay Iran 1980ki
03:25
Israel feared an Iraqi victory
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israail waxay kacabsatay gusha ciraq
03:28
and actively helped Iran by selling it arms
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iyo firfircoonida ay ucawineyso iran kagaditaanka gacan
03:30
and providing it with spare parts
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iyo kushartitaanta dayactirka
03:33
for Iran's American weaponry
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iran ameerikan ka qubkooda
03:35
at a moment when Iran was very vulnerable
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xiligaasne iran waxay ahayd mid si sahla looweerari karo
03:38
because of an American arms embargo
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maxaa yeelay ameericanka aya cuno qabateyay
03:41
that Israel was more than happy to violate.
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taaso israail ugu faraxsaneed in sharciga jabiso
03:44
In fact, back in the 1980s,
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xaqiidi , hadii dibloogu noqdo 1980ki
03:47
it was Israel that lobbied Washington
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israail ayey ahayd cida soogashay Washington
03:49
to talk to Iran, to sell arms to Iran,
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si ula hadasho iran kana iibiso gacn iran
03:54
and not pay attention to Iran's anti-Israeli ideology.
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mahan soojiido iran fikrada israail kaga soohorjeedo
03:59
And this, of course, climaxed
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tanni dabcan waa xiiso leh
04:01
in the Iran-Contra scandal of the 1980s.
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kasoohorjeedki fadeexada iran 1980ki
04:06
But with the end of the Cold War
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dhamadkii dagalki qabooba
04:08
came also the end of the Israeli-Iranian cold peace.
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sidoo kale waxoo noqday nabdii qaboobed ee israail iyo iran
04:12
Suddenly, the two common threats
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sikadis ah , labada hanjabaat ee caadiga
04:15
that had pushed them closer together throughout decades,
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aya aad iskuugu soodhawaweysay ayga , sikastaba waxay kuansadeen
04:18
more or less evaporated.
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uumi bixid yar ama badan
04:20
The Soviet Union collapsed,
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midowgii suufiyeed waa dhacay
04:22
Iraq was defeated,
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ciraq ne waalaga awoodbadshay
04:24
and a new environment was created in the region
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dagaalka cusub waxaa lagu dhisay gobalka
04:26
in which both of them felt more secure,
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kaaso labadooda ay kadareemin amaan
04:28
but they were also now left unchecked.
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sidoo kale waxay ahaayen kuwo an hubesnen
04:31
Without Iraq balancing Iran,
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ayadoon ciraaq kabaynin iran
04:34
Iran could now become a threat,
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iran hada waxay noqon kartaa hada hanjabat
04:36
some in Israel argued.
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meelaha israail ay kumurmeen
04:39
In fact, the current dynamic
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xaqiiqdi, fiir fircoonida
04:42
that you see between Iran and Israel
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kaaga muuqato iran iyo israail
04:44
has its roots more so
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waxay leedahay xiddo dheer
04:46
in the geopolitical reconfiguration of the region
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ee siyaasada farsameesan ee gobalka
04:49
after the Cold War
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dagaalki qabobay kadib
04:50
than in the events of 1979,
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kabadan dhacdooyinki 1979ki
04:53
because at this point, Iran and Israel
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maxaayelay markan iran iyo israaila
04:56
emerge as two of the most powerful states in the region,
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waxay kusoo baxayn labo wadan ugu aqooda badal gobalka
05:00
and rather than viewing each other
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tasoo doorbidaysa in midba midka kale fiirsado
05:01
as potential security partners,
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sida usuurto galiso amanka is iska kashadan
05:03
they increasingly came to view each other
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waxay dardargaliyen muuqaalkooda
05:06
as rivals and competitors.
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si utartamaan tartanno
05:09
So Israel, who in the 1980s
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sida darteet israil ,taaso 1980
05:11
lobbied for and improved U.S.-Iran relations
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gashay si ucadeyso qaranada midoob xariirkooda iran
05:14
now feared a U.S.-Iran rapprochement,
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hada waxay kacabsi qabtaa xarrirka wanaagsana ee maraykanka-iran
05:18
thinking that it would come
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ayagoo kafakiraaya taas in noqon donta
05:19
at Israel's security interests' expense,
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amaanka israail xiisentisa qaaliga
05:23
and instead sought to put Iran
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iyo badalka ay raadin lahaayen in iran
05:25
in increased isolation.
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ay ku gordhiyaan go'doomin.
05:27
Ironically, this was happening at a time
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waxaa xusid mudan, waxaani waxay dhacen waqti
05:30
when Iran was more interested
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marka iraan ad uxiisayneesay
05:32
in peacemaking with Washington
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nabad lasameenta Washington
05:35
than to see to Israel's destruction.
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inkabada inta arki lahayd israail oo burbursan
05:38
Iran had put itself in isolation
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iran waxay is galisay go'doon
05:40
because of its radicalism,
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sababtoo ah waxay ahayd mid qiireysan
05:42
and after having helped the United States indirectly
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kadib kaalmo kahelidii ameerikanka an tooska ahayn
05:45
in the war against Iraq in 1991,
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inta lagu guda jiray dagalki kaga soohorjeday ciraq 1991
05:47
the Iranians were hoping
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iraaniyinta waxay rajeynaayen
05:49
that they would be rewarded by being included
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in laga amaal marindoono kusoodaritanka lagu soodaray
05:53
in the post-war security architecture of the region.
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cidaanka nabad sugida ee gobolka
05:57
But Washington chose to ignore Iran's outreach,
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laakin Washington waxay dooratay in iska dhaga tirto iran caawideda
06:01
as it would a decade later in Afghanistan,
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si ay dib ugu go aansato in afgaanistan
06:03
and instead moved to intensify Iran's isolation,
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iyo badalka raritanka si ay uxoojinso go'doominta iiran
06:08
and it is at this point, around 1993, '94,
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xaligaan lajoogane, agagaarka 1993,'94.
06:11
that Iran begins to translate
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in iiran bilawday badalitanka
06:14
its anti-Israeli ideology
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fikradeedi israail kadhanta ahayd
06:16
into operational policy.
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una badasho siyaasad howlgaleed
06:18
The Iranians believed that whatever they did,
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iraaniyinta waxay aaminsanaayen waxkasto ay sameeyen
06:20
even if they moderated their policies,
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xataa hadii ay dhaxdhaxaad kanoqdan siyaasadooda
06:23
the U.S. would continue to seek Iran's isolation,
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umeerikan waxay siiwadi lahaayen kadalbashada go'doominta iran
06:26
and the only way Iran could compel Washington
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wadada kaliyahna ufuran ay ku qasbi karaan Washington
06:30
to change its position was by imposing a cost
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inay badalaan booskoda wayneenaya qiimaha
06:33
on the U.S. if it didn't.
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ameerika . hadii aysan noqon
06:36
The easiest target was the peace process,
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tan ugu fudud oo labartilmaamedsanayay waxay ahayd habka nabada
06:40
and now the Iranian ideological bark
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hadane iiraniyiinta fikradooda qaylada
06:43
was to be accompanied by a nonconventional bite,
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waxay ahayd in lasocoto qaniinyada an caadiga ahayn ,
06:47
and Iran began supporting extensively
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iran waxay bilowday taageerida marwalbo
06:51
Palestinian Islamist groups that it previously
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kooxaha islaamiyinta ee falastiin kuwasoo horay
06:54
had shunned.
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neceb kala dhaxeeyay.
06:57
In some ways, this sounds paradoxical,
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siyaaboyinka qar. waxay u egtahay kuwa is burinaya
07:00
but according to Martin Indyk
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laakin marka loofiiriyo martin indyk
07:02
of the Clinton administration,
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oo kamid ah maamulka clinton
07:04
the Iranians had not gotten it entirely wrong,
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iraaniyintan dhamaantot maysan uqaadan qalad,
07:07
because the more peace there would be
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maxaa yeelay nabada badan ee halkas kajirto ayaa waxay noqon lahayd
07:09
between Israel and Palestine,
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mid udhaxeysa israail iyo falastin,
07:11
the U.S. believed, the more Iran would get isolated.
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ameerika waxay aaminsanayen inta badan la go'doomiyo iran
07:14
The more Iran got isolated, the more peace there would be.
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inta badan iran go'doonto, waa nabada badan ee kadhalan karto
07:17
So according to Indyk, and these are his words,
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sidaa darteet marka loofiiriyo indyk, waxa waayay erayadiisa
07:20
the Iranians had an interest to do us in
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iraaniyinta waxay daneynaayen inan usameeno
07:23
on the peace process
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qaab nabadeedka
07:25
in order to defeat our policy of containment.
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si ay ujabiyan siyaasadeena kooban
07:28
To defeat our policy of containment,
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in lajabiyo siyaasadayna kooban
07:31
not about ideology.
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maahan mid fikrad kusabsan
07:35
But throughout even the worst times of their entanglement,
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laakin sikastaba ay ahaato xataa waqtiyadii ugu xumay ee murgidoona
07:39
all sides have reached out to each other.
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labada dhinac way iskaagen
07:42
Netanyahu, when he got elected in 1996,
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netanyahu, markii loocodeeyay sanadii 1996
07:45
reached out to the Iranians to see
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waxoo garsiiyay iiraniyinta inoo tuso
07:47
if there were any ways that
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hadii ay jirto wado un taas
07:49
the doctrine of the periphery could be resurrected.
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oo caqiidada deeganka loosobixin karo
07:52
Tehran was not interested.
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tehran maysan daneenen
07:54
A few years later, the Iranians sent
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sanado kobadan kadib, iraaniyinta waxay direen
07:57
a comprehensive negotiation proposal to the Bush administration,
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gorgortan dhamestiran jeeditanka in maamulka bush
08:01
a proposal that revealed that there was some potential
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soo jiito shaac kaqaadita in jiraan waxyaalo dhici karan
08:05
of getting Iran and Israel back on terms again.
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sida iran iyo israil in dib ugu raabtan sharuudo markale .
08:09
The Bush administration did not even respond.
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maamulka bish kama owsan jawaabin xata
08:12
All sides have never missed an opportunity
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labada dhinac waligood maysan dhaafin fursad
08:15
to miss an opportunity.
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ay kudhaafan fursad
08:20
But this is not an ancient conflict.
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laakin kan mahan khilaf gabobay.
08:25
This is not even an ideological conflict.
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kan xata mahan khilaaf fikradeed
08:28
The ebbs and flows of hostility
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dareemaha iyo caawada raacsan
08:31
have not shifted with ideological zeal,
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maysan badalin fikradi xiisahabadned,
08:34
but rather with changes in the geopolitical landscape.
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laakin dorbidida isbadalka leh ee siyaasada gobalka
08:37
When Iran and Israel's security imperatives
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marka baahida amaanka ee israail iyo iran
08:39
dictated collaboration, they did so
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Taasna ay iska wadakaashaqeen, waay samyen sidaa
08:42
in spite of lethal ideological opposition to each other.
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inkastoo oo ay mucaaradka fikradooda halis midba bida kal kutahay
08:45
When Iran's ideological impulses collided
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marka fikrada israil sidag dag ah iskuugu dhacn
08:48
with its strategic interests,
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si ay kujirto dano istaraatiijiyadeed
08:50
the strategic interests always prevailed.
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danaha istaraatiijiyadeed marwalba waa ka adkaa.
08:54
This is good news, because it means
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kani waa akhbaar wanagsan , maxaa ylay waxay kadhigantahay
08:57
that neither war nor enmity
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in midkoodna colaad kala dhaxen
09:00
is a foregone conclusion.
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waa midhor oo gababsi ah
09:03
But some want war.
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laakin qarkod waxay raban dagal
09:06
Some believe or say that it's 1938,
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qaar aya aminsan ama dhaho 1939
09:09
Iran is Germany,
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iran waa jarmal
09:11
and Ahmadinejad is Hitler.
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axmad najadn waa hitler
09:14
If we accept this to be true,
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hadii aynu aqbalno tan in run tahay
09:16
that indeed it is 1938, Iran is Germany,
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taas xaqiiqda waxay tahay1938, iran in jarmal tahy
09:19
Ahmadinejad is Hitler,
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axmad najadna in hitlr yahy
09:22
then the question we have to ask ourself is,
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suaalaha mudan in iswaydiino waa
09:25
who wishes to play the role of Neville Chamberlain?
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Yaa rajaynaayay in cayaaro doorka Nevilla chamberlain?
09:28
Who will risk peace?
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Yaa Khatar ugalaa nabad?
09:31
This is an analogy that is deliberately aimed
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Tani waa cilmi Taas oo si ulakacah loogu talagay
09:34
at eliminating diplomacy,
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baabi'itanka dibloomaciyad
09:37
and when you eliminate diplomacy,
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markaad suulisidna dibloomasiyada
09:39
you make war inevitable.
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waxaad kusameysa dagaal an qarsamen
09:42
In an ideological conflict, there can be no truce,
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fikrad is khilafsan, wax heshiis xabad joojin ah majirayan
09:45
no draw, no compromise,
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majiran wax dhaxdhaxaad ah
09:47
only victory or defeat.
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waxa kaliyah oojiro waa guul ama khasaro
09:51
But rather than making war inevitable
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laakin waxay kadoor bideen sameenta dagaal an qarsoomen
09:54
by viewing this as ideological,
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ufiiritanka midaan fikrad ahan
09:57
we would be wise to seek ways
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waxaan kudhiiran lahayn in siyaabo kale usameyno
09:59
to make peace possible.
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ay an nabada macquul ugu dhigno
10:02
Iran and Israel's conflict is a new phenomenon,
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iran iyo israil khilafkooda waa layaab cusub
10:06
only a few decades old
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waxyar ayaa goansaday dhalin
10:08
in a history of 2,500 years,
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taarikhda 2,500 san0
10:10
and precisely because its roots are geopolitical,
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sida saxda ah sababtoo ah salakeeda waa siyaasad
10:14
it means that solutions can be found,
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waxayna kadhigan taas in xalkeda lahli karo
10:17
compromises can be struck,
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dhaxdhaxaadiska waxay noqon kartaa shaqo kafadhiisasho
10:20
however difficult it yet may be.
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sikasta ay u adagtahy wili way noqonosa
10:23
After all, it was Yitzhak Rabin himself who said,
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waxaas oo dhan waxay ahaayen yitzhak rabin waxoo nasfad ahantiisa dhahay
10:27
"You don't make peace with your friends.
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"saaxiibada nabad lama sameysid
10:30
You make it with your enemies."
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waxaa lasameysaa nabad cadowgaaga."
10:32
Thank you.
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Mahadsanid .
10:33
(Applause)
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(sacbis)
Translated by Abdiwahab Osman
Reviewed by Jamal Omar

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Trita Parsi - Political scientist
Trita Parsi delves into Middle Eastern history and politics, uncovering fresh perspectives on Iranian, Israeli, and U.S. relations -- and discovers potential solutions to brewing conflicts.

Why you should listen

Writer and political scientist Trita Parsi is an expert observer of the labyrinthine relationships between the U.S. and the Middle East, cutting through conventional stereotypes to laying bare the often-contentious history of the region.
 
When Parsi was only 4, his family fled to Sweden from Iran to escape political repression. Parsi later relocated to the U.S., where he earned a PhD and founded the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), a grassroots organization promoting the interests of the U.S./ Iranian community.

More profile about the speaker
Trita Parsi | Speaker | TED.com