ABOUT THE SPEAKER
George Papandreou - Former Prime Minister of Greece
George Papandreou draws on lessons learned from the Greek debt crisis as he helps guide the EU through difficult waters.

Why you should listen

George Papandreou, a third-generation scion of Greece’s defining political dynasty, entered the global spotlight with his attempts to re-invent his country during the darkest hours of the European debt crisis. Upon becoming Prime Minister in 2009, his government inherited a deficit that was much larger than had been reported. As PM, he implemented major changes and reforms, but was overtaken by events beyond his government's control.

Papandreou resigned his Prime Minister post in November 2011 as part of a deal to pave the way for a coalition government to restore Grecian stability, but remains a powerful figure as an MP and as President of the Socialist International.

As he says: “We do have a choice. Either we empower Europe and its citizens and become a catalyst for humanizing our global economy, or globalization will dehumanize our societies and undermine the European project. As a citizen of Europe, I vote for the first choice."

More profile about the speaker
George Papandreou | Speaker | TED.com
TEDGlobal 2013

George Papandreou: Imagine a European democracy without borders

乔治·帕潘德里欧: 乔治·帕潘德里欧: 设想一个跨国界的欧洲民主

Filmed:
796,547 views

希腊已成为欧洲的经济危机的雏形,但前总理帕潘德里欧提出,希腊仅是对未来灾难的预演。 “我们的民主政治,”他说,“深陷于庞大得无法坍塌的体系中,抑或庞大得无法驾驭的系统中……像我这样的政治家已经失去了本国人民的信任。”如何解决呢?让公民更直接地重新参与到新的民主决策中来。
- Former Prime Minister of Greece
George Papandreou draws on lessons learned from the Greek debt crisis as he helps guide the EU through difficult waters. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:13
This will not be a speech言语
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今天(的演讲)将不像我过去做的
00:14
like any one I have ever given特定.
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的任何一个演讲
今天我想给你们讲的是
00:17
I will talk to you today今天 about
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00:21
the failure失败 of leadership领导 in global全球 politics政治
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国际政治中失效的领导能力
和我们正走向国际化的经济
00:26
and in our globalizing全球化 economy经济.
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我不带给你们一些看似美好的现成解决方案
但最终我要敦促你们
00:29
And I won't惯于 provide提供 some feel-good感觉不错, ready-made现成 solutions解决方案.
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反思并勇于承担风险,参与到
在我看来是全球范围的
00:36
But I will in the end结束 urge敦促 you
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00:38
to rethink反思, actually其实 take risks风险, and get involved参与
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民主变革中来
00:44
in what I see as a global全球 evolution演化
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00:47
of democracy民主.
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00:50
Failure失败 of leadership领导.
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(让我们来谈一下)失效的领导力
00:52
What is the failure失败 of leadership领导 today今天?
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在当今社会,什么是失效的领导力?
00:55
And why is our democracy民主 not working加工?
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究竟为什么我们的民主政策不管用?
我认为失效的领导力指的是
00:58
Well, I believe that the failure失败 of leadership领导 is the fact事实
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我们没有把你们(公众)带入民主全球化的进程中
01:01
that we have taken采取 you out of the process处理.
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01:05
So let me, from my personal个人 experiences经验,
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好吧,让我从我个人的经历来
01:08
give you an insight眼光, so that you can step back
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讲一下我的想法,借此你可以退一步
01:12
and maybe understand理解 why it is so difficult to cope应付
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去理解为什么应对
当今社会的挑战是如此困难
01:16
with the challenges挑战 of today今天 and why politics政治
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为什么政治正走向死胡同
01:18
is going down a blind alley胡同.
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01:22
Let's start开始 from the beginning开始.
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让我们从头来讲吧
01:24
Let's start开始 from democracy民主.
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让我们从民主开始讲吧
01:28
Well, if you go back to the Ancient Greeks希腊人,
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嗯,如果你回到古希腊
01:30
it was a revelation启示, a discovery发现,
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它代表一种启示,一项发现
民主表明我们有潜力能够一起努力
01:33
that we had the potential潜在, together一起,
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成为我们命运的主人
01:38
to be masters主人 of our own拥有 fate命运,
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能够检验、学习、想象
01:41
to be able能够 to examine检查, to learn学习, to imagine想像,
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01:44
and then to design设计 a better life.
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然后一起设计一个更美好的生活
民主既是一个政治上的创新
01:48
And democracy民主 was the political政治 innovation革新
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同时也保护我们的自由生活
01:53
which哪一个 protected保护 this freedom自由,
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01:55
because we were liberated解放 from fear恐惧
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(因为民主)我们能够从恐惧中解放出来
这样我们的内心坚定
02:01
so that our minds头脑 in fact事实,
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02:02
whether是否 they be despots暴君 or dogmas教条,
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无论面临着专制主义或是教条主义的时候
02:05
could be the protagonists主角.
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(我们)都是自己的主人
02:09
Democracy民主 was the political政治 innovation革新 that allowed允许 us
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民主曾是一个政治创新,让我们得以
限制强权,无论它是来自恶势力
02:12
to limit限制 the power功率, whether是否 it was of tyrants
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或是大祭司
02:16
or of high priests牧师,
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这些人的天性就是最大化他们的强权和财富
02:18
their natural自然 tendency趋势 to maximize最大化 power功率 and wealth财富.
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嗯,我最早意识到这一点
02:23
Well, I first began开始 to understand理解 this
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02:25
when I was 14 years年份 old.
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是在我14岁的时候
02:27
I used to, to try to avoid避免 homework家庭作业,
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我为了逃避做作业
02:29
sneak潜行 down to the living活的 room房间 and listen to my parents父母
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遛到客厅去听我父母
和他们的朋友激烈辩论
02:34
and their friends朋友 debate辩论 heatedly激烈.
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02:36
You see, then Greece希腊 was
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你知道,希腊过去是
02:38
under control控制 of a very powerful强大 establishment编制
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在极强大的极权统治之下的
02:43
which哪一个 was strangling绞杀 the country国家,
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这种极权扼制了国家(的发展)
02:44
and my father父亲 was heading标题 a promising有希望 movement运动
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我父亲当时在领导一个大有希望的(政治)运动
02:47
to reimagine重新构想 Greece希腊, to imagine想像 a Greece希腊
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来重新设想希腊,来设想
02:50
where freedom自由 reigned在位 and where, maybe,
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一个由自由主宰的,而且一个
由人民、公民来统治的国家
02:52
the people, the citizens公民, could actually其实 rule规则 their own拥有 country国家.
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我过去曾参与许多我父亲的竞选活动
02:56
I used to join加入 him in many许多 of the campaigns活动,
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02:58
and you can see me here next下一个 to him.
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你可以(从照片上看到)我站在他旁边
03:00
I'm the younger更年轻 one there, to the side.
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我是他左边的那个少年
03:03
You may可能 not recognize认识 me because
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你可能认不出我来了,因为
我过去的发型与现在略有不同
03:06
I used to part部分 my hair头发 differently不同 there.
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03:08
(Laughter笑声)
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(观众笑声)
03:10
So in 1967, elections选举 were coming未来,
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在1967年竞选时
竞选活动非常顺利
03:14
things were going well in the campaign运动,
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03:16
the house was electric电动.
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众议院是一片热闹的景象
03:18
We really could sense that there was going to be
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我们真的感觉到了
03:20
a major重大的 progressive进步 change更改 in Greece希腊.
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这将使希腊迈出一大步
03:24
Then one night, military军事 trucks卡车 drive驾驶 up to our house.
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然而一个晚上,一辆军用卡车开到我家
士兵涌进门
03:29
Soldiers士兵 storm风暴 the door.
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他们在露台发现我
03:32
They find me up on the top最佳 terrace阳台.
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03:36
A sergeant军士 comes up to me with a machine gun,
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一个警官手提机枪走上前
03:38
puts看跌期权 it to my head, and says,
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顶着我的脑袋,说
03:40
"Tell me where your father父亲 is or I will kill you."
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“告诉我你爸在哪里,不然我杀了你”
我藏在一旁的父亲走了出来
03:44
My father父亲, hiding nearby附近, reveals揭示 himself他自己,
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即刻被他们押到了监狱
03:48
and was summarily概略地 taken采取 to prison监狱.
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我们活了下来,可惜民主没有
03:52
Well, we survived幸存, but democracy民主 did not.
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03:56
Seven brutal野蛮 years年份 of dictatorship专政
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残暴的独裁统治的7年里
03:59
which哪一个 we spent花费 in exile流亡.
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我们在流亡中度过
04:02
Now, today今天, our democracies民主 are again
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今天,我们的民主政治再次到了
04:05
facing面对 a moment时刻 of truth真相.
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面临真理的时刻
04:07
Let me tell you a story故事.
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让我来给你们讲述一个故事
04:09
Sunday星期日 evening晚间,
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一个星期日的晚上,
04:11
Brussels布鲁塞尔, April四月 2010.
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布鲁塞尔,2010年4月
我和一些欧盟同行坐在一起
04:14
I'm sitting坐在 with my counterparts同行 in the European欧洲的 Union联盟.
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04:18
I had just been elected当选 prime主要 minister部长,
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我刚刚被选为总理
身为总理我不幸地公布这样一个事实
04:21
but I had the unhappy不快乐 privilege特权 of revealing揭示 a truth真相
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04:25
that our deficit赤字 was not 6 percent百分,
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我们的财务亏损并不是6%
04:28
as had been officially正式 reported报道 only a few少数 days earlier
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那个几天前
在竞选以前,由前任政府所公布的数据
04:32
before the elections选举 by the previous以前 government政府,
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04:35
but actually其实 15.6 percent百分.
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事实上,我们的财务亏损是15.6%
04:40
But the deficit赤字 was only the symptom症状
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但财务亏损仅是
希腊面临的更深层问题的一个体现
04:42
of much deeper更深 problems问题 that Greece希腊 was facing面对,
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04:44
and I had been elected当选 on a mandate要求, a mission任务, actually其实,
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我当选之际,承担的一个使命就是
04:48
to tackle滑车 these problems问题,
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解决这些深层问题
04:50
whether是否 it was lack缺乏 of transparency透明度
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不论是政府行政缺乏透明度
04:52
and accountability问责 in governance治理,
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和责任感
04:55
or whether是否 it was a clientelistic侍从 state
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还是一个地方保护主义的州政府
04:57
offering favors好处 to the powerful强大 -- tax avoidance躲避
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让利给强权势力-给他们免税
05:02
abetted教唆 and aided辅助 by a global全球 tax evasion逃避 system系统,
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被全球逃税体系和
特殊利益集团控制下的政界、媒体所怂恿教唆
05:07
politics政治 and media媒体 captured捕获 by special特别 interests利益.
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05:10
But despite尽管 our electoral mandate要求,
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尽管我们由选举授权
05:13
the markets市场 mistrusted不信任 us.
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市场仍旧无法信任我们
我们的借贷利率仍旧疯涨
05:16
Our borrowing借款 costs成本 were skyrocketing暴涨,
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05:19
and we were facing面对 possible可能 default默认.
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我们那时正面临负债的可能
05:22
So I went to Brussels布鲁塞尔 on a mission任务
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于是我带着一个使命来到布鲁塞尔
05:25
to make the case案件 for a united联合的 European欧洲的 response响应,
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向欧盟叙述现状,以期得到回应
05:29
one that would calm冷静 the markets市场 and give us the time
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从而稳定市场,并给我们时间
05:32
to make the necessary必要 reforms改革.
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来进行必要的改革
05:35
But time we didn't get.
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但我们未得到(足够的)时间
05:38
Picture图片 yourselves你自己 around the table in Brussels布鲁塞尔.
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想象一下你坐在布鲁赛尔的谈判桌上
05:41
Negotiations谈判 are difficult, the tensions紧张 are high,
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谈判很艰难,局势很紧张
05:44
progress进展 is slow, and then, 10 minutes分钟 to 2,
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整个过程进行得十分缓慢,1点50分的时候
05:47
a prime主要 minister部长 shouts长啸 out,
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某国一总理喊起来
05:49
"We have to finish in 10 minutes分钟."
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“我们必须10分钟内结束会议。”
05:51
I said, "Why? These are important重要 decisions决定.
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我问,“为什么?这些是重要的决定。
05:54
Let's deliberate商榷 a little bit longer."
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我们再花点时间商议一下。“
05:56
Another另一个 prime主要 minister部长 comes in and says,
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另一国总理插话说,
”不行,我们不得不达成一致,
05:59
"No, we have to have an agreement协议 now,
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06:03
because in 10 minutes分钟,
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因为10分钟以后,
06:05
the markets市场 are opening开盘 up in Japan日本,
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日本市场将开盘,
06:08
and there will be havoc浩劫 in the global全球 economy经济."
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全球经济将一片浩劫。”
我们迅速在10分钟内达成协议
06:13
We quickly很快 came来了 to a decision决定 in those 10 minutes分钟.
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这一次,不是军队
06:16
This time it was not the military军事,
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而是市场,用机枪顶住了我们所有人的脑袋
06:19
but the markets市场, that put a gun to our collective集体 heads.
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06:25
What followed其次 were the most difficult decisions决定 in my life,
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接下来我做了一生最困难的决定
06:29
painful痛苦 to me, painful痛苦 to my countrymen同胞,
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这不仅令我痛苦,也令我的国民痛苦
强行削减政策,财政紧缩
06:33
imposing威风 cuts削减, austerity简朴,
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06:37
often经常 on those not to blame for the crisis危机.
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受重挫的往往是那些无辜的人们
06:40
With these sacrifices牺牲, Greece希腊 did avoid避免 bankruptcy破产
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由于这样的牺牲,希腊确实没有破产
06:43
and the eurozone欧元区 avoided避免 a collapse坍方.
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欧元体系也没有崩溃
06:46
Greece希腊, yes, triggered触发 the Euro欧元 crisis危机,
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希腊,是的,引起了欧元危机
06:49
and some people blame me for pulling the trigger触发.
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而且有些人埋怨是我扣动了扳机
06:52
But I think today今天 that most would agree同意
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但我认为今天大多数人都同意
06:55
that Greece希腊 was only a symptom症状
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希腊(的问题)仅是一个表象
06:57
of much deeper更深 structural结构 problems问题 in the eurozone欧元区,
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是一些在欧元区更深层、更本质问题的一个表象
07:01
vulnerabilities漏洞 in the wider更宽的 global全球 economic经济 system系统,
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是更大范围的全球经济系统漏洞的一个表象
07:05
vulnerabilities漏洞 of our democracies民主.
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我们民主政治漏洞的一个表象。
07:08
Our democracies民主 are trapped被困 by systems系统 too big to fail失败,
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我们的民主政治深陷于“强大得永不坍塌”的系统
或者,更准确地说,“强大得无法驾驭”的系统
07:12
or, more accurately准确, too big to control控制.
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07:15
Our democracies民主 are weakened减弱 in the global全球 economy经济
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我们的民主政治在全球经济环境中被削弱
07:18
with players玩家 that can evade逃避 laws法律, evade逃避 taxes,
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(民主)被那些逃避法律、逃避税收的人(所削弱)
(民主)被那些破坏环境和劳动力标准的人(所削弱)
07:21
evade逃避 environmental环境的 or labor劳动 standards标准.
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07:25
Our democracies民主 are undermined破坏
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我们的民主政治
07:27
by the growing生长 inequality不等式
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被日益加剧的不平等和
07:30
and the growing生长 concentration浓度 of power功率 and wealth财富,
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权富集中所削弱
政治游说、贪污腐败、市场化的进程
07:33
lobbies大厅, corruption腐败, the speed速度 of the markets市场
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07:37
or simply只是 the fact事实 that we sometimes有时 fear恐惧 an impending即将到来的 disaster灾害,
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或仅仅是我们面临灾难的那种恐惧
07:42
have constrained受限 our democracies民主,
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制约了我们的民主
07:45
and they have constrained受限 our capacity容量
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制约了我们
设想和发挥潜能的能力 你们的潜能
07:47
to imagine想像 and actually其实 use the potential潜在, your potential潜在,
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寻求解决方案的潜能
07:51
in finding发现 solutions解决方案.
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07:54
Greece希腊, you see, was only a preview预习
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你所看到的希腊只是一场预演
07:56
of what is in store商店 for us all.
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这是我们所有人都将面临的景象
07:59
I, overly过于 optimistically乐观地, had hoped希望
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我曾天真地希望
08:01
that this crisis危机 was an opportunity机会 for Greece希腊, for Europe欧洲,
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这个危机提供了一个机会,让希腊,让欧洲
08:04
for the world世界, to make radical激进 democratic民主的 transformations转换
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进行全世界范围内大幅度的民主改革
08:09
in our institutions机构.
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改革我们的组织机构
08:11
Instead代替, I had a very humbling震撼人心 experience经验.
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可是正相反,我却有了一次非常屈辱的经历
08:15
In Brussels布鲁塞尔, when we tried试着 desperately拼命 again and again
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在布鲁塞尔,当我们一次又一次绝望地努力着
08:19
to find common共同 solutions解决方案,
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去寻求共同的解决方案(的时候)
08:21
I realized实现 that not one, not one of us,
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我认识到,我们中没有一个人
08:25
had ever dealt处理 with a similar类似 crisis危机.
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曾处理过类似的危机
08:28
But worse更差, we were trapped被困 by our collective集体 ignorance无知.
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更糟糕的是,我们陷入共同的无知中
被恐惧牵着鼻子走
08:32
We were led by our fears恐惧.
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恐惧带着我们走向盲目的信念
08:36
And our fears恐惧 led to a blind faith信仰
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对紧缩政策的信奉
08:40
in the orthodoxy正统 of austerity简朴.
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08:43
Instead代替 of reaching到达 out to the common共同
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没有向大众
08:47
or the collective集体 wisdom智慧 in our societies社会,
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抑或是社会集体智慧(求助)
08:50
investing投资 in it to find more creative创作的 solutions解决方案,
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(没有)花时间寻找有创见性的解决方案
08:54
we reverted回复 to political政治 posturing装腔作势.
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我们再次摆出了政治姿态
08:56
And then we were surprised诧异 when every一切
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接着我们惊讶地发现
08:58
ad广告 hoc特别 new measure测量 didn't bring带来 an end结束 to the crisis危机,
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临时推出的方案未能结束危机
09:01
and of course课程 that made制作 it very easy简单
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当然了,这很容易(让我们)想找到
09:04
to look for a whipping鞭打 boy男孩
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寻找一个替罪羊
09:06
for our collective集体 European欧洲的 failure失败,
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来为整个欧洲的失败买单
09:08
and of course课程 that was Greece希腊.
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毫无疑问,这替罪羊就是希腊
那些挥霍无度的、闲散的、一边畅饮茴香酒,一边狂跳左巴舞的希腊人
09:11
Those profligate挥霍, idle, ouzo-swilling茴香酒,痛饮, Zorba-dancing左巴舞 Greeks希腊人,
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09:16
they are the problem问题. Punish惩治 them!
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他们就是问题所在。惩罚他们!
这随便的毫无依据的陈旧思维
09:19
Well, a convenient方便 but unfounded杞人忧天 stereotype铅板
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09:23
that sometimes有时 hurt伤害 even more than austerity简朴 itself本身.
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往往比财政紧缩带来的危害更大
我要提醒你,这不仅是希腊的问题
09:27
But let me warn警告 you, this is not just about Greece希腊.
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09:31
This could be the pattern模式
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这可能是一个思维模式的问题
09:34
that leaders领导者 follow跟随 again and again
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使领导者们一次又一次遵循
09:36
when we deal合同 with these complex复杂, cross-border跨界 problems问题,
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处理复杂跨国问题固有的思维模式的问题
09:40
whether是否 it's climate气候 change更改, whether是否 it's migration移民,
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不论是气候问题,是移民问题
09:43
whether是否 it's the financial金融 system系统.
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还是金融调解问题
09:47
That is, abandoning放弃 our collective集体 power功率
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我们抛弃集体力量
09:49
to imagine想像 our potential潜在,
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不充分发挥我们的潜力
09:51
falling落下 victims受害者 to our fears恐惧, our stereotypes定型, our dogmas教条,
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而选择成为恐惧,机械,教条的牺牲品
09:55
taking服用 our citizens公民 out of the process处理
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把公民排除在决策层之外
09:57
rather than building建造 the process处理 around our citizens公民.
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而不是以公民意见为核心来决策
10:02
And doing so will only test测试 the faith信仰
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这样做的结果是
考验了我们的公民、人民,甚至
10:04
of our citizens公民, of our peoples人们, even more
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(考验了)整个民主进程的信念
10:06
in the democratic民主的 process处理.
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难怪很多政治领导
10:09
It's no wonder奇迹 that many许多 political政治 leaders领导者,
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10:11
and I don't exclude排除 myself,
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包括我自己
10:13
have lost丢失 the trust相信 of our people.
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失去了人民的信任
警察需要从骚乱中保护国会
10:16
When riot暴动 police警察 have to protect保护 parliaments议会,
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10:20
a scene现场 which哪一个 is increasingly日益 common共同 around the world世界,
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这一场面在世界各地越来越常见
10:24
then there's something deeply wrong错误 with our democracies民主.
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(那是因为)我们的民主政治出现了深层的问题
10:29
That's why I called for a referendum公投 to have the Greek希腊语 people
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这就是为什么我主张公投,借此让希腊人民自己
10:33
own拥有 and decide决定 on the terms条款 of the rescue拯救 package.
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决定援救计划的各个条款
10:37
My European欧洲的 counterparts同行, some of them, at least最小,
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我的欧洲同行们,至少其中一部分说,
10:39
said, "You can't do this.
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“你不能这么做。
10:41
There will be havoc浩劫 in the markets市场 again."
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这样又会导致一场市场浩劫。”
我回答说,“我们需要这么做,在恢复对市场的信心以前,
10:45
I said, "We need to, before we restore恢复 confidence置信度 in the markets市场,
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我们需要恢复人民的信心与信任。”
10:50
we need to restore恢复 confidence置信度 and trust相信 amongst其中包括 our people."
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10:55
Since以来 leaving离开 office办公室, I have had time to reflect反映.
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离政以后,我有时间来进行反思
10:58
We have weathered风化 the storm风暴, in Greece希腊 and in Europe欧洲,
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我们经受了在希腊和欧洲的风暴
11:03
but we remain challenged挑战.
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但我们仍面临挑战
11:06
If politics政治 is the power功率 to imagine想像 and use our potential潜在,
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如果政治决策层拥有设想和发挥潜力的能力
11:09
well then 60-percent-百分 youth青年 unemployment失业 in Greece希腊,
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那么在希腊以及其他国家60%的青年失业率
11:13
and in other countries国家, certainly当然 is a lack缺乏 of imagination想像力
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证明了我们缺乏合理的设想
11:16
if not a lack缺乏 of compassion同情.
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缺乏应有的同情心
11:19
So far, we've我们已经 thrown抛出 economics经济学 at the problem问题,
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到现在为止,我们将这个问题归因于经济状况
11:21
actually其实 mostly大多 austerity简朴,
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事实上绝大部分是由于财政紧缩
11:24
and certainly当然 we could have designed设计 alternatives备择方案,
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当然我们本可以想其他的办法
11:27
a different不同 strategy战略, a green绿色 stimulus刺激物 for green绿色 jobs工作,
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不同的策略,(比如)鼓励绿色产业刺激就业
11:30
or mutualizedmutualized debt债务, Eurobonds欧洲债券 which哪一个 would
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或互惠借贷,用欧元债券
11:34
support支持 countries国家 in need from market市场 pressures压力,
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帮助那些困于市场压力的国家
11:37
these would have been much more viable可行 alternatives备择方案.
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这些应该是更可行的办法
11:40
Yet然而 I have come to believe that the problem问题 is not so much
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但我相信问题的根本不仅仅
是一个经济问题,而是一个民主问题
11:42
one of economics经济学 as it is one of democracy民主.
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让我们试试其他的办法
11:46
So let's try something else其他.
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11:48
Let's see how we can bring带来 people back to the process处理.
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让我们把人民带入这个过程中来
11:51
Let's throw democracy民主 at the problem问题.
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让我们用民主来解决问题
11:54
Again, the Ancient Greeks希腊人, with all their shortcomings缺点,
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古希腊,即便有种种不足
11:57
believed相信 in the wisdom智慧 of the crowd人群
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最辉煌的时期,他们相信群众的智慧
12:00
at their best最好 moments瞬间. In people we trust相信.
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相信值得信赖的人民
12:03
Democracy民主 could not work without the citizens公民
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民主需要人民通过
商议、辩论、承担公共事务中的责任
12:06
deliberating审议, debating辩论, taking服用 on public上市 responsibilities责任
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对公共事务进行决策。
12:10
for public上市 affairs事务.
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12:12
Average平均 citizens公民 often经常 were chosen选择 for citizen公民 juries陪审团
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大多数公民常被选为公民陪审团
12:15
to decide决定 on critical危急 matters事项 of the day.
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来裁决当日重要案件
12:19
Science科学, theater剧院, research研究, philosophy哲学,
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科技,戏剧,研究,哲学
12:22
games游戏 of the mind心神 and the body身体,
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是心灵与身体的游戏
12:25
they were daily日常 exercises演习.
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是一种日常演习
12:26
Actually其实 they were an education教育 for participation参与,
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事实上通过参与,公民得以进行自我教育
12:30
for the potential潜在, for growing生长 the potential潜在 of our citizens公民.
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因此提高我们公民的潜能
12:34
And those who shunned回避 politics政治, well, they were idiots白痴.
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那些避开政治的人是蠢货
12:38
You see, in Ancient Greece希腊, in ancient Athens雅典,
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蠢货一词源于古希腊和雅典
12:42
that term术语 originated起源 there.
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来自词根“idio",意思是”自己“
12:44
"Idiot白痴" comes from the root "idio特发," oneself自己.
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12:49
A person who is self-centered以自我为中心, secluded, excluded排除,
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一个自我为中心的、与世隔离,被排斥了的人
12:52
someone有人 who doesn't participate参加 or even examine检查 public上市 affairs事务.
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一个不参与或不思考公共事务的人
应该参与在集市中来。集市有两个意思
12:57
And participation参与 took place地点 in the agora集会, the agora集会 having two meanings含义,
239
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13:00
both a marketplace市井 and a place地点 where there was political政治 deliberation审议.
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既指市场,
又指政治商酌的地方
13:07
You see, markets市场 and politics政治 then were one, unified统一,
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你看,市场和政治是实际上是统一的
13:11
accessible无障碍, transparent透明, because they gave power功率 to the people.
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是可接近的,透明的,因为他们同样给人民以力量
让他们为民主服务
13:14
They serve服务 the demos演示, democracy民主.
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(让民主)高于政府,高于市场
13:19
Above以上 government政府, above以上 markets市场
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13:22
was the direct直接 rule规则 of the people.
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由人民直接统治
13:24
Today今天 we have globalized全球化 the markets市场
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今天我们已经有了全球化市场
13:27
but we have not globalized全球化 our democratic民主的 institutions机构.
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但是我们还没有全球化的民主组织
13:32
So our politicians政治家 are limited有限 to local本地 politics政治,
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所以我们的政治家仍旧局限于本地政治
即便人民可以看到更美好的希望
13:36
while our citizens公民, even though虽然 they see a great potential潜在,
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13:40
are prey猎物 to forces军队 beyond their control控制.
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仍旧被强权所吞噬
13:44
So how then do we reunite团聚 the two halves of the agora集会?
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那么我们怎样重新整合市场经济和政治体系呢?
13:47
How do we democratize民主化 globalization全球化?
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我们怎样将全球化民主化呢?
13:49
And I'm not talking about the necessary必要 reforms改革
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我不是在讨论如何
13:52
of the United联合的 Nations国家 or the G20.
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对联合国或G20进行必要的改革
13:55
I'm talking about, how do we secure安全 the space空间,
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我是在说,我们怎样保留
13:57
the demos演示, the platform平台 of values,
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民主和价值体系的平台
14:00
so that we can tap龙头 into all of your potential潜在?
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在此之基础上我们可以挖掘全部的潜能
这恰恰是欧洲的情况
14:05
Well, this is exactly究竟 where I think Europe欧洲 fits适合 in.
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14:09
Europe欧洲, despite尽管 its recent最近 failures故障,
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欧洲,尽管近来失利,
14:11
is the world's世界 most successful成功 cross-border跨界 peace和平 experiment实验.
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仍旧是世界最成功的跨国和平共处的实验平台
14:16
So let's see if it can't be an experiment实验
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所以让我们来看一看它是否也可以成为
全球民主的实验地,一种新的民主
14:19
in global全球 democracy民主, a new kind of democracy民主.
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14:23
Let's see if we can't design设计 a European欧洲的 agora集会,
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让我们看看是否我们可以设计一个欧洲集市
14:27
not simply只是 for products制品 and services服务,
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不仅是提供产品和服务的集市
14:29
but for our citizens公民, where they can work together一起,
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也是人民进行交流的集市
14:32
deliberate商榷, learn学习 from each other,
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互相讨论,相互学习
14:34
exchange交换 between之间 art艺术 and cultures文化,
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进行艺术与文化的交流
14:37
where they can come up with creative创作的 solutions解决方案.
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在这里他们可以提出有创意的解决方案
14:41
Let's imagine想像 that European欧洲的 citizens公民
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让我们想象一下”欧洲公民“
14:44
actually其实 have the power功率 to vote投票 directly
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可以投票
14:46
for a European欧洲的 president主席,
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直选出一个”欧洲主席“
14:49
or citizen公民 juries陪审团 chosen选择 by lottery抽奖
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或者抽签选出陪审团
14:53
which哪一个 can deliberate商榷 on critical危急 and controversial争论的 issues问题,
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商酌重要的有争议的问题
在欧洲范围内公投,我们的公民
14:57
a European-wide欧洲范围内 referendum公投 where our citizens公民,
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作为法律的制定者,为未来的法律条约投票
15:00
as the lawmakers国会议员, vote投票 on future未来 treaties条约.
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15:05
And here's这里的 an idea理念:
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我有个想法
15:07
Why not have the first truly European欧洲的 citizens公民
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能不能有第一批真正的“欧洲公民”
15:10
by giving our immigrants移民,
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给各地移民一个“欧洲公民”的身份
15:12
not Greek希腊语 or German德语 or Swedish瑞典 citizenship国籍,
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不是希腊公民、德国公民、瑞典公民,
15:16
but a European欧洲的 citizenship国籍?
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而是”欧洲公民“?
15:20
And make sure we actually其实 empower授权
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保证他们的权利
让失业人士拥有”奖学金券“
15:23
the unemployed失业的 by giving them a voucher凭证 scholarship奖学金
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15:26
where they can choose选择 to study研究 anywhere随地 in Europe欧洲.
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让他们随意选择在欧洲的任何地方进行深造
15:29
Where our common共同 identity身分 is democracy民主,
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这样我们共同的身份是民主
15:34
where our education教育 is through通过 participation参与,
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这样我们的教育是通过参与
15:39
and where participation参与 builds建立 trust相信
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这种参与能够建立信任、团结
15:42
and solidarity团结 rather than exclusion排除 and xenophobia排外主义.
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而不是排斥与仇外
15:46
Europe欧洲 of and by the people,
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欧洲属于人民,由人民统治
15:48
a Europe欧洲, an experiment实验 in deepening深化 and widening加宽
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在欧洲,推行更深更广的
15:52
democracy民主 beyond borders国界.
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跨国界的民主政治实验
15:55
Now, some might威力 accuse me of being存在 naive幼稚,
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或许有人认为我天真地
15:59
putting my faith信仰 in the power功率 and the wisdom智慧 of the people.
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过度信赖于人民的力量与智慧
16:03
Well, after decades几十年 in politics政治, I am also a pragmatist实用主义者.
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有了几十年参政经验的我,也已经变成了一个实用主义者
16:08
Believe me, I have been,
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相信我,我曾经是
16:11
I am, part部分 of today's今天的 political政治 system系统,
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现在仍是当今政治体系中一部分
16:14
and I know things must必须 change更改.
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我知道这一切必须改变
16:19
We must必须 revive复活 politics政治 as the power功率 to imagine想像,
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我们必须将政治的复兴作为一种力量来设想
16:23
reimagine重新构想, and redesign重新设计 for a better world世界.
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来重新设想、设计出一个更美好的世界
16:29
But I also know that this disruptive破坏性 force of change更改
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但我也知道这种改变的颠覆性力量
16:31
won't惯于 be driven驱动 by the politics政治 of today今天.
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不是来自于目前的政治决策层
16:34
The revival复兴 of democratic民主的 politics政治
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民主政治的复兴
16:37
will come from you, and I mean all of you.
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将来自你们,我指你们所有人
16:41
Everyone大家 who participates参与 in this global全球 exchange交换 of ideas思路,
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全球每一个参与交流的人
16:45
whether是否 it's here in this room房间
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不管是今天到场的人
16:46
or just outside this room房间
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还是场外的人
16:48
or online线上 or locally本地, where everybody每个人 lives生活,
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网络上的人,还是住在某地的人,
16:52
everyone大家 who stands站立 up to injustice不公正 and inequality不等式,
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每个反对不公正不平等的人
16:56
everybody每个人 who stands站立 up to those who preach传道
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每个反对
16:58
racism种族主义 rather than empathy同情,
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那些宣扬种族歧视、无同情心的人
17:01
dogma教条 rather than critical危急 thinking思维,
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那些教条主义、无辩证思考的人
17:03
technocracy技术专家 rather than democracy民主,
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那些官僚的、无民主思想的人
17:06
everyone大家 who stands站立 up to the unchecked未选中 power功率,
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每一个反对不受制约的强权的人
17:09
whether是否 it's authoritarian独裁的 leaders领导者,
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不论是专制的领导人
17:11
plutocrats财阀 hiding their assets资产 in tax havens避风港,
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还是逃税来隐藏资产的财阀
还是保护一小撮强权者的政治说客
17:14
or powerful强大 lobbies大厅 protecting保护 the powerful强大 few少数.
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17:18
It is in their interest利益 that all of us are idiots白痴.
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这些人希望我们所有人都是蠢货
17:24
Let's not be.
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我们偏不!
17:25
Thank you.
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谢谢
17:26
(Applause掌声)
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(观众掌声)
17:38
Bruno布鲁诺 Giussani吉萨尼: You seem似乎 to describe描述 a political政治 leadership领导
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(主持人)你似乎描述了一个政治家
17:40
that is kind of unprepared措手不及
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有点措手不及地
17:42
and a prisoner囚犯 of the whims率性 of the financial金融 markets市场,
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深陷于金融市场风暴的囹圄中
17:45
and that scene现场 in Brussels布鲁塞尔 that you describe描述, to me,
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你描述的布鲁塞尔的场面对于我来说
一个普通公民来说确实够可怕的
17:47
as a citizen公民, is terrifying可怕的.
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请描述一下您做出决定以后的心情
17:50
Help us understand理解 how you felt after the decision决定.
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17:54
It was not a good decision决定, clearly明确地,
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显然那不是好决定
17:56
but how do you feel after that, not as the prime主要 minister部长,
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但你心情是怎样的?不是作为总理
17:58
but as George乔治?
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而是作为乔治(你自己)?
18:01
George乔治 Papandreou帕潘德里欧: Well, obviously明显 there were constraints限制
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(乔治·帕潘德里欧)显然当时确实有这样的困难
18:03
which哪一个 didn't allow允许 me or others其他 to make
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令我以及其他人无法做出
18:07
the types类型 of decisions决定 we would have wanted,
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我们想要做的决定
18:09
and obviously明显 I had hoped希望 that we would have the time
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我当然希望我们有时间
18:11
to make the reforms改革 which哪一个 would have dealt处理
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通过改革来处理财务亏损
18:13
with the deficit赤字 rather than trying to cut the deficit赤字
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而不是试图消减财务亏损
18:15
which哪一个 was the symptom症状 of the problem问题.
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那只是问题的表象
18:17
And that hurt伤害. That hurt伤害 because that, first of all,
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这么做是不利的。不利是因为,首先
18:19
hurt伤害 the younger更年轻 generation, and not only,
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对年轻一代不利
而且他们很多人在外示威
18:23
many许多 of them are demonstrating示范 outside,
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但我认为这是问题之一
18:25
but I think this is one of our problems问题.
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18:26
When we face面对 these crises危机, we have kept不停 the potential潜在,
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当我们面临危机时,我们忽略了我们的潜力
18:32
the huge巨大 potential潜在 of our society社会 out of this process处理,
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忽略了此过程中来自社会的巨大潜力
我们封闭在政治之中
18:35
and we are closing关闭 in on ourselves我们自己 in politics政治,
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我认为我们就是需要改变这个,寻求
18:38
and I think we need to change更改 that, to really find
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18:40
new participatory参与 ways方法 using运用 the great capabilities功能
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一种以新的方式来参与决策的能力
18:45
that now exist存在 even in technology技术 but not only in technology技术,
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(这种能力)现在甚至存在于科技中,不仅是科技
18:48
the minds头脑 that we have, and I think we can find solutions解决方案
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也存在于我们的信念中。我认为我们可以找到
更好的解决方式,但是我们一定需要有开放的心态
18:51
which哪一个 are much better, but we have to be open打开.
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18:53
BGBG: You seem似乎 to suggest建议 that the way forward前锋
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(主持人)你似乎建议下一步
18:54
is more Europe欧洲, and that is not to be an easy简单 discourse演讲
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主要是欧洲开始施行(民主政治),这可不太容易做到
18:58
right now in most European欧洲的 countries国家.
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特别是现在的一些欧洲国家
19:00
It's rather the other way -- more closed关闭 borders国界
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它们正好相反,他们开始封闭国界
19:03
and less cooperation合作 and maybe even stepping步进 out
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减少合作,甚至将退出
某些欧盟内的组织
19:06
of some of the different不同 parts部分 of the European欧洲的 construction施工.
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19:10
How do you reconcile调和 that?
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您是怎样看待这个问题的呢?
19:11
GPGP: Well, I think one of the worst最差 things that happened发生
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(乔治·帕潘德里欧) 我认为在危机发生后的恶果之一
19:14
during this crisis危机 is that we started开始 a blame game游戏.
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就是我们开始了相互责备
19:16
And the fundamental基本的 idea理念 of Europe欧洲 is that
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欧盟最基本的观念是
19:20
we can cooperate合作 beyond borders国界,
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我们可以跨越国界合作
19:22
go beyond our conflicts冲突 and work together一起.
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抛开分歧,共同努力
19:24
And the paradox悖论 is that, because we have this blame game游戏,
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然而矛盾的是,因为我们开始了相互责备
19:30
we have less the potential潜在 to convince说服 our citizens公民
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我们失去了赢得人心的机会
19:33
that we should work together一起,
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19:35
while now is the time when we really need
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现在正是我们需要
19:37
to bring带来 our powers权力 together一起.
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齐心协力的时刻
19:39
Now, more Europe欧洲 for me is not simply只是
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现在,欧洲不需要把
19:42
giving more power功率 to Brussels布鲁塞尔.
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权利交给布鲁塞尔
19:43
It is actually其实 giving more power功率 to the citizens公民 of Europe欧洲,
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而是要交给欧洲人民
19:47
that is, really making制造 Europe欧洲 a project项目 of the people.
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让欧洲成为一个“人民工程”
所以我认为,可以通过这个来回应
19:51
So that, I think, would be a way to answer回答
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19:53
some of the fears恐惧 that we have in our society社会.
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一些社会上的恐慌
(主持人)感谢您光临Ted讲台
19:56
BGBG: George乔治, thank you for coming未来 to TEDTED.
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19:58
GPGP: Thank you very much.BGBG: Thank you.(Applause掌声)
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(乔治·帕潘德里欧)十分感谢。(主持人)谢谢。(观众掌声)
Translated by Michael Ge 葛叔
Reviewed by Lin Piao

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
George Papandreou - Former Prime Minister of Greece
George Papandreou draws on lessons learned from the Greek debt crisis as he helps guide the EU through difficult waters.

Why you should listen

George Papandreou, a third-generation scion of Greece’s defining political dynasty, entered the global spotlight with his attempts to re-invent his country during the darkest hours of the European debt crisis. Upon becoming Prime Minister in 2009, his government inherited a deficit that was much larger than had been reported. As PM, he implemented major changes and reforms, but was overtaken by events beyond his government's control.

Papandreou resigned his Prime Minister post in November 2011 as part of a deal to pave the way for a coalition government to restore Grecian stability, but remains a powerful figure as an MP and as President of the Socialist International.

As he says: “We do have a choice. Either we empower Europe and its citizens and become a catalyst for humanizing our global economy, or globalization will dehumanize our societies and undermine the European project. As a citizen of Europe, I vote for the first choice."

More profile about the speaker
George Papandreou | Speaker | TED.com