TED2018
Yuval Noah Harari: Why fascism is so tempting -- and how your data could power it
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In a profound talk about technology and power, author and historian Yuval Noah Harari explains the important difference between fascism and nationalism -- and what the consolidation of our data means for the future of democracy. Appearing as a hologram live from Tel Aviv, Harari warns that the greatest danger that now faces liberal democracy is that the revolution in information technology will make dictatorships more efficient and capable of control. "The enemies of liberal democracy hack our feelings of fear and hate and vanity, and then use these feelings to polarize and destroy," Harari says. "It is the responsibility of all of us to get to know our weaknesses and make sure they don't become weapons." (Followed by a brief conversation with TED curator Chris Anderson)
Yuval Noah Harari - Historian, author
In his book "Homo Deus," Yuval Noah Harari explores the future of humankind: the destinies we may set for ourselves and the quests we'll undertake. Full bio
In his book "Homo Deus," Yuval Noah Harari explores the future of humankind: the destinies we may set for ourselves and the quests we'll undertake. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
Hello, everyone.
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It's a bit funny, because I did write
that humans will become digital,
that humans will become digital,
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but I didn't think it will happen so fast
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and that it will happen to me.
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But here I am, as a digital avatar,
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and here you are, so let's start.
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And let's start with a question.
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How many fascists are there
in the audience today?
in the audience today?
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(Laughter)
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Well, it's a bit difficult to say,
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because we've forgotten what fascism is.
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People now use the term "fascist"
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as a kind of general-purpose abuse.
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Or they confuse fascism with nationalism.
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So let's take a few minutes
to clarify what fascism actually is,
to clarify what fascism actually is,
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and how it is different from nationalism.
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The milder forms of nationalism
have been among the most benevolent
have been among the most benevolent
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of human creations.
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Nations are communities
of millions of strangers
of millions of strangers
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who don't really know each other.
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For example, I don't know
the eight million people
the eight million people
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who share my Israeli citizenship.
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But thanks to nationalism,
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we can all care about one another
and cooperate effectively.
and cooperate effectively.
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This is very good.
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Some people, like John Lennon,
imagine that without nationalism,
imagine that without nationalism,
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the world will be a peaceful paradise.
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But far more likely,
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without nationalism,
we would have been living in tribal chaos.
we would have been living in tribal chaos.
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If you look today at the most prosperous
and peaceful countries in the world,
and peaceful countries in the world,
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countries like Sweden
and Switzerland and Japan,
and Switzerland and Japan,
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you will see that they have
a very strong sense of nationalism.
a very strong sense of nationalism.
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In contrast, countries that lack
a strong sense of nationalism,
a strong sense of nationalism,
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like Congo and Somalia and Afghanistan,
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tend to be violent and poor.
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So what is fascism, and how
is it different from nationalism?
is it different from nationalism?
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Well, nationalism tells me
that my nation is unique,
that my nation is unique,
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and that I have special obligations
towards my nation.
towards my nation.
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Fascism, in contrast, tells me
that my nation is supreme,
that my nation is supreme,
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and that I have exclusive
obligations towards it.
obligations towards it.
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I don't need to care about anybody
or anything other than my nation.
or anything other than my nation.
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Usually, of course,
people have many identities
people have many identities
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and loyalties to different groups.
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For example, I can be a good patriot,
loyal to my country,
loyal to my country,
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and at the same time,
be loyal to my family,
be loyal to my family,
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my neighborhood, my profession,
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humankind as a whole,
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truth and beauty.
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Of course, when I have different
identities and loyalties,
identities and loyalties,
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it sometimes creates conflicts
and complications.
and complications.
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But, well, who ever told you
that life was easy?
that life was easy?
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Life is complicated.
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Deal with it.
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Fascism is what happens when people try
to ignore the complications
to ignore the complications
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and to make life too easy for themselves.
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Fascism denies all identities
except the national identity
except the national identity
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and insists that I have obligations
only towards my nation.
only towards my nation.
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If my nation demands
that I sacrifice my family,
that I sacrifice my family,
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then I will sacrifice my family.
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If the nation demands
that I kill millions of people,
that I kill millions of people,
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then I will kill millions of people.
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And if my nation demands
that I betray truth and beauty,
that I betray truth and beauty,
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then I should betray truth and beauty.
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For example, how does
a fascist evaluate art?
a fascist evaluate art?
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How does a fascist decide whether a movie
is a good movie or a bad movie?
is a good movie or a bad movie?
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Well, it's very, very, very simple.
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There is really just one yardstick:
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if the movie serves
the interests of the nation,
the interests of the nation,
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it's a good movie;
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if the movie doesn't serve
the interests of the nation,
the interests of the nation,
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it's a bad movie.
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That's it.
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Similarly, how does a fascist decide
what to teach kids in school?
what to teach kids in school?
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Again, it's very simple.
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There is just one yardstick:
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you teach the kids whatever serves
the interests of the nation.
the interests of the nation.
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The truth doesn't matter at all.
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Now, the horrors of the Second World War
and of the Holocaust remind us
and of the Holocaust remind us
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of the terrible consequences
of this way of thinking.
of this way of thinking.
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But usually, when we talk
about the ills of fascism,
about the ills of fascism,
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we do so in an ineffective way,
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because we tend to depict fascism
as a hideous monster,
as a hideous monster,
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without really explaining
what was so seductive about it.
what was so seductive about it.
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It's a bit like these Hollywood movies
that depict the bad guys --
that depict the bad guys --
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Voldemort or Sauron
or Darth Vader --
or Darth Vader --
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as ugly and mean and cruel.
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They're cruel even
to their own supporters.
to their own supporters.
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When I see these movies,
I never understand --
I never understand --
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why would anybody be tempted to follow
a disgusting creep like Voldemort?
a disgusting creep like Voldemort?
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The problem with evil
is that in real life,
is that in real life,
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evil doesn't necessarily look ugly.
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It can look very beautiful.
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This is something that
Christianity knew very well,
Christianity knew very well,
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which is why in Christian art,
as [opposed to] Hollywood,
as [opposed to] Hollywood,
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Satan is usually depicted
as a gorgeous hunk.
as a gorgeous hunk.
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This is why it's so difficult
to resist the temptations of Satan,
to resist the temptations of Satan,
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and why it is also difficult
to resist the temptations of fascism.
to resist the temptations of fascism.
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Fascism makes people see themselves
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as belonging to the most beautiful
and most important thing in the world --
and most important thing in the world --
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the nation.
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And then people think,
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"Well, they taught us
that fascism is ugly.
that fascism is ugly.
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But when I look in the mirror,
I see something very beautiful,
I see something very beautiful,
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so I can't be a fascist, right?"
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Wrong.
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That's the problem with fascism.
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When you look in the fascist mirror,
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you see yourself as far more beautiful
than you really are.
than you really are.
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In the 1930s, when Germans
looked in the fascist mirror,
looked in the fascist mirror,
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they saw Germany as the most
beautiful thing in the world.
beautiful thing in the world.
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If today, Russians look
in the fascist mirror,
in the fascist mirror,
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they will see Russia as the most
beautiful thing in the world.
beautiful thing in the world.
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And if Israelis look
in the fascist mirror,
in the fascist mirror,
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they will see Israel as the most
beautiful thing in the world.
beautiful thing in the world.
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This does not mean that we are now
facing a rerun of the 1930s.
facing a rerun of the 1930s.
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Fascism and dictatorships might come back,
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but they will come back in a new form,
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a form which is much more relevant
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to the new technological realities
of the 21st century.
of the 21st century.
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In ancient times,
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land was the most important
asset in the world.
asset in the world.
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Politics, therefore,
was the struggle to control land.
was the struggle to control land.
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And dictatorship meant that all the land
was owned by a single ruler
was owned by a single ruler
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or by a small oligarch.
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And in the modern age,
machines became more important than land.
machines became more important than land.
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Politics became the struggle
to control the machines.
to control the machines.
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And dictatorship meant
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that too many of the machines
became concentrated
became concentrated
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in the hands of the government
or of a small elite.
or of a small elite.
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Now data is replacing
both land and machines
both land and machines
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as the most important asset.
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Politics becomes the struggle
to control the flows of data.
to control the flows of data.
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And dictatorship now means
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that too much data is being concentrated
in the hands of the government
in the hands of the government
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or of a small elite.
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The greatest danger
that now faces liberal democracy
that now faces liberal democracy
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is that the revolution
in information technology
in information technology
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will make dictatorships
more efficient than democracies.
more efficient than democracies.
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In the 20th century,
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democracy and capitalism
defeated fascism and communism
defeated fascism and communism
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because democracy was better
at processing data and making decisions.
at processing data and making decisions.
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Given 20th-century technology,
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it was simply inefficient to try
and concentrate too much data
and concentrate too much data
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and too much power in one place.
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But it is not a law of nature
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that centralized data processing
is always less efficient
is always less efficient
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than distributed data processing.
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With the rise of artificial intelligence
and machine learning,
and machine learning,
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it might become feasible to process
enormous amounts of information
enormous amounts of information
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very efficiently in one place,
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to take all the decisions in one place,
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and then centralized data processing
will be more efficient
will be more efficient
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than distributed data processing.
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And then the main handicap
of authoritarian regimes
of authoritarian regimes
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in the 20th century --
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their attempt to concentrate
all the information in one place --
all the information in one place --
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it will become their greatest advantage.
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Another technological danger
that threatens the future of democracy
that threatens the future of democracy
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is the merger of information technology
with biotechnology,
with biotechnology,
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which might result
in the creation of algorithms
in the creation of algorithms
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that know me better than I know myself.
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And once you have such algorithms,
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an external system, like the government,
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cannot just predict my decisions,
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it can also manipulate
my feelings, my emotions.
my feelings, my emotions.
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A dictator may not be able
to provide me with good health care,
to provide me with good health care,
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but he will be able to make me love him
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and to make me hate the opposition.
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Democracy will find it difficult
to survive such a development
to survive such a development
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because, in the end,
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democracy is not based
on human rationality;
on human rationality;
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it's based on human feelings.
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During elections and referendums,
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you're not being asked,
"What do you think?"
"What do you think?"
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You're actually being asked,
"How do you feel?"
"How do you feel?"
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And if somebody can manipulate
your emotions effectively,
your emotions effectively,
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democracy will become
an emotional puppet show.
an emotional puppet show.
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So what can we do to prevent
the return of fascism
the return of fascism
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and the rise of new dictatorships?
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The number one question that we face
is: Who controls the data?
is: Who controls the data?
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If you are an engineer,
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then find ways to prevent too much data
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from being concentrated in too few hands.
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And find ways to make sure
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the distributed data processing
is at least as efficient
is at least as efficient
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as centralized data processing.
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This will be the best
safeguard for democracy.
safeguard for democracy.
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As for the rest of us
who are not engineers,
who are not engineers,
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the number one question facing us
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is how not to allow
ourselves to be manipulated
ourselves to be manipulated
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by those who control the data.
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The enemies of liberal democracy,
they have a method.
they have a method.
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They hack our feelings.
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Not our emails, not our bank accounts --
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they hack our feelings of fear
and hate and vanity,
and hate and vanity,
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and then use these feelings
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to polarize and destroy
democracy from within.
democracy from within.
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This is actually a method
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that Silicon Valley pioneered
in order to sell us products.
in order to sell us products.
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But now, the enemies of democracy
are using this very method
are using this very method
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to sell us fear and hate and vanity.
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They cannot create
these feelings out of nothing.
these feelings out of nothing.
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So they get to know our own
preexisting weaknesses.
preexisting weaknesses.
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And then use them against us.
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And it is therefore
the responsibility of all of us
the responsibility of all of us
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to get to know our weaknesses
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and make sure that they
do not become a weapon
do not become a weapon
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in the hands of the enemies of democracy.
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Getting to know our own weaknesses
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will also help us to avoid the trap
of the fascist mirror.
of the fascist mirror.
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As we explained earlier,
fascism exploits our vanity.
fascism exploits our vanity.
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It makes us see ourselves
as far more beautiful than we really are.
as far more beautiful than we really are.
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This is the seduction.
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But if you really know yourself,
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you will not fall
for this kind of flattery.
for this kind of flattery.
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If somebody puts a mirror
in front of your eyes
in front of your eyes
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that hides all your ugly bits
and makes you see yourself
and makes you see yourself
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as far more beautiful
and far more important
and far more important
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than you really are,
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just break that mirror.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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Chris Anderson: Yuval, thank you.
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Goodness me.
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It's so nice to see you again.
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So, if I understand you right,
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you're alerting us
to two big dangers here.
to two big dangers here.
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One is the possible resurgence
of a seductive form of fascism,
of a seductive form of fascism,
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but close to that, dictatorships
that may not exactly be fascistic,
that may not exactly be fascistic,
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but control all the data.
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I wonder if there's a third concern
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that some people here
have already expressed,
have already expressed,
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which is where, not governments,
but big corporations control all our data.
but big corporations control all our data.
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What do you call that,
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and how worried should we be about that?
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Yuval Noah Harari: Well, in the end,
there isn't such a big difference
there isn't such a big difference
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between the corporations
and the governments,
and the governments,
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because, as I said, the questions is:
Who controls the data?
Who controls the data?
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This is the real government.
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If you call it a corporation
or a government --
or a government --
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if it's a corporation
and it really controls the data,
and it really controls the data,
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this is our real government.
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So the difference
is more apparent than real.
is more apparent than real.
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CA: But somehow,
at least with corporations,
at least with corporations,
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you can imagine market mechanisms
where they can be taken down.
where they can be taken down.
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I mean, if consumers just decide
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that the company is no longer
operating in their interest,
operating in their interest,
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it does open the door to another market.
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It seems easier to imagine that
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than, say, citizens rising up
and taking down a government
and taking down a government
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that is in control of everything.
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YNH: Well, we are not there yet,
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but again, if a corporation really
knows you better than you know yourself --
knows you better than you know yourself --
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at least that it can manipulate
your own deepest emotions and desires,
your own deepest emotions and desires,
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and you won't even realize --
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you will think this is
your authentic self.
your authentic self.
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So in theory, yes, in theory,
you can rise against a corporation,
you can rise against a corporation,
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just as, in theory, you can rise
against a dictatorship.
against a dictatorship.
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But in practice,
it is extremely difficult.
it is extremely difficult.
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CA: So in "Homo Deus," you argue
that this would be the century
that this would be the century
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when humans kind of became gods,
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either through development
of artificial intelligence
of artificial intelligence
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or through genetic engineering.
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Has this prospect of political
system shift, collapse
system shift, collapse
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impacted your view on that possibility?
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YNH: Well, I think it makes it
even more likely,
even more likely,
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and more likely
that it will happen faster,
that it will happen faster,
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because in times of crisis,
people are willing to take risks
people are willing to take risks
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that they wouldn't otherwise take.
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And people are willing to try
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all kinds of high-risk,
high-gain technologies.
high-gain technologies.
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So these kinds of crises
might serve the same function
might serve the same function
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as the two world wars in the 20th century.
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The two world wars greatly accelerated
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the development of new
and dangerous technologies.
and dangerous technologies.
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And the same thing might happen
in the 21st century.
in the 21st century.
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I mean, you need to be
a little crazy to run too fast,
a little crazy to run too fast,
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let's say, with genetic engineering.
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But now you have more
and more crazy people
and more crazy people
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in charge of different
countries in the world,
countries in the world,
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so the chances are getting
higher, not lower.
higher, not lower.
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CA: So, putting it all together, Yuval,
you've got this unique vision.
you've got this unique vision.
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Roll the clock forward 30 years.
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What's your guess --
does humanity just somehow scrape through,
does humanity just somehow scrape through,
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look back and say, "Wow,
that was a close thing. We did it!"
that was a close thing. We did it!"
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Or not?
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YNH: So far, we've managed
to overcome all the previous crises.
to overcome all the previous crises.
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And especially if you look
at liberal democracy
at liberal democracy
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and you think things are bad now,
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just remember how much worse
things looked in 1938 or in 1968.
things looked in 1938 or in 1968.
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So this is really nothing,
this is just a small crisis.
this is just a small crisis.
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But you can never know,
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17:58
because, as a historian,
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I know that you should never
underestimate human stupidity.
underestimate human stupidity.
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(Laughter) (Applause)
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It is one of the most powerful forces
that shape history.
that shape history.
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CA: Yuval, it's been an absolute delight
to have you with us.
to have you with us.
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Thank you for making the virtual trip.
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Have a great evening there in Tel Aviv.
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Yuval Harari!
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YNH: Thank you very much.
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(Applause)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Yuval Noah Harari - Historian, authorIn his book "Homo Deus," Yuval Noah Harari explores the future of humankind: the destinies we may set for ourselves and the quests we'll undertake.
Why you should listen
In his book, Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow, Yuval Noah Harari explores the projects, dreams and nightmares that will shape the 21st century -- from overcoming death to creating artificial life. He maps the future and asks fundamental questions: Where do we go from here? How will we protect this fragile world from our own destructive powers? The book has sold four million copies since its publication in 2016.
Harari's previous book, Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, explores what made homo sapiens the most successful species on the planet. His answer: We are the only animal that can believe in things that exist purely in our imagination, such as gods, states, money, human rights, corporations and other fictions, and we have developed a unique ability to use these stories to unify and organize groups and ensure cooperation. Sapiens has sold eight million copies and been translated into more than 50 languages. Bill Gates, Mark Zuckerberg and President Barack Obama have recommended it as a must-read.
Harari lectures as a Professor of history at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he specializes in world history, medieval history and military history. His current research focuses on macro-historical questions: What is the relationship between history and biology? What is the essential difference between Homo sapiens and other animals? Is there justice in history? Does history have a direction? Did people become happier as history unfolded? Harari has written for newspapers such as The Guardian, Financial Times, the Times, Nature magazine and the Wall Street Journal.
Harari's new book, 21 Lessons for the 21st Century, will take the pulse of our current global climate, focusing on the biggest questions of the present moment: What is really happening right now? What are today’s greatest challenges and choices? What should we pay attention to? The book will be published in multiple languages in September 2018.
Yuval Noah Harari | Speaker | TED.com