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Julia Bacha: How women wage conflict without violence
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Are you setting out to change the world? Here's a stat you should know: nonviolent campaigns are 100 percent more likely to succeed than violent ones. So why don't more groups use nonviolence when faced with conflict? Filmmaker Julia Bacha shares stories of effective nonviolent resistance, including eye-opening research on the crucial leadership role that women play.
Julia Bacha - Filmmaker
Julia Bacha is the creative director at Just Vision, an organization that uses film and multimedia storytelling to foster constructive conversations on some of the most divisive issues of our times. Full bio
Julia Bacha is the creative director at Just Vision, an organization that uses film and multimedia storytelling to foster constructive conversations on some of the most divisive issues of our times. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
Twelve years ago, I picked up
a camera for the first time
a camera for the first time
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to film the olive harvest
in a Palestinian village in the West Bank.
in a Palestinian village in the West Bank.
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I thought I was there
to make a single documentary
to make a single documentary
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and would then move on
to some other part of the world.
to some other part of the world.
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But something kept bringing me back.
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Now, usually, when international audiences
hear about that part of the world,
hear about that part of the world,
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they often just want
that conflict to go away.
that conflict to go away.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad,
and we wish it could just disappear.
and we wish it could just disappear.
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We feel much the same way
about other conflicts around the world.
about other conflicts around the world.
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But every time we turn
our attention to the news,
our attention to the news,
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it seems like one more country
has gone up in flames.
has gone up in flames.
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So I've been wondering
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whether we should not start
looking at conflict in a different way --
looking at conflict in a different way --
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whether instead of simply
wishing to end conflict,
wishing to end conflict,
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we focus instead on how to wage conflict.
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This has been a big question for me,
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one I've pursued together with my team
at the nonprofit Just Vision.
at the nonprofit Just Vision.
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After witnessing several different kinds
of struggles in the Middle East,
of struggles in the Middle East,
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I started noticing some patterns
on the more successful ones.
on the more successful ones.
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I wondered whether these variables
held across cases, and if they did,
held across cases, and if they did,
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what lessons we could glean
for waging constructive conflict,
for waging constructive conflict,
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in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.
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There is some science about this.
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In a study of 323
major political conflicts
major political conflicts
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from 1900 to 2006,
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Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth
found that nonviolent campaigns
found that nonviolent campaigns
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were almost 100 percent more likely
to lead to success than violent campaigns.
to lead to success than violent campaigns.
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Nonviolent campaigns are also
less likely to cause physical harm
less likely to cause physical harm
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to those waging the campaign,
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as well as their opponents.
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And, critically, they typically lead
to more peaceful and democratic societies.
to more peaceful and democratic societies.
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In other words, nonviolent resistance
is a more effective and constructive way
is a more effective and constructive way
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of waging conflict.
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But if that's such an easy choice,
why don't more groups use it?
why don't more groups use it?
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Political scientist Victor Asal
and colleagues
and colleagues
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have looked at several factors
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that shape a political group's
choice of tactics.
choice of tactics.
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And it turns out
that the greatest predictor
that the greatest predictor
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of a movement's decision
to adopt nonviolence or violence
to adopt nonviolence or violence
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is not whether that group
is more left-wing or right-wing,
is more left-wing or right-wing,
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not whether the group is more or less
influenced by religious beliefs,
influenced by religious beliefs,
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not whether it's up against
a democracy or a dictatorship,
a democracy or a dictatorship,
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and not even the levels of repression
that that group is facing.
that that group is facing.
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The greatest predictor of a movement's
decision to adopt nonviolence
decision to adopt nonviolence
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is its ideology regarding
the role of women in public life.
the role of women in public life.
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(Applause)
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When a movement includes in its discourse
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language around gender equality,
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it increases dramatically
the chances it will adopt nonviolence,
the chances it will adopt nonviolence,
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and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.
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The research squared up
with my own documentation
with my own documentation
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of political organizing
in Israel and Palestine.
in Israel and Palestine.
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I've noticed that movements which
welcome women into leadership positions,
welcome women into leadership positions,
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such as the one I documented
in a village called Budrus,
in a village called Budrus,
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were much more likely
to achieve their goals.
to achieve their goals.
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This village was under a real threat
of being wiped off the map
of being wiped off the map
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when Israel started building
the separation barrier.
the separation barrier.
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The proposed route would require
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the destruction of this community's
olive groves, their cemeteries
olive groves, their cemeteries
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and would ultimately
close the village from all sides.
close the village from all sides.
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Through inspired local leadership,
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they launched a nonviolent resistance
campaign to stop that from happening.
campaign to stop that from happening.
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The odds were massively
stacked against them.
stacked against them.
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But they had a secret weapon:
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a 15-year-old girl
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who courageously jumped
in front of a bulldozer
in front of a bulldozer
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which was about to uproot
an olive tree, stopping it.
an olive tree, stopping it.
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In that moment, the community
of Budrus realized what was possible
of Budrus realized what was possible
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if they welcomed and encouraged women
to participate in public life.
to participate in public life.
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And so it was that the women of Budrus
went to the front lines day after day,
went to the front lines day after day,
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using their creativity and acumen
to overcome multiple obstacles they faced
to overcome multiple obstacles they faced
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in a 10-month unarmed struggle.
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And as you can probably
tell at this point,
tell at this point,
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they win at the end.
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The separation barrier
was changed completely
was changed completely
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to the internationally
recognized green line,
recognized green line,
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and the women of Budrus
came to be known across the West Bank
came to be known across the West Bank
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for their indomitable energy.
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(Applause)
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Thank you.
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I want to pause for a second,
which you helped me do,
which you helped me do,
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because I do want to tackle
two very serious misunderstandings
two very serious misunderstandings
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that could happen at this point.
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The first one is that I don't believe
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women are inherently or essentially
more peaceful than men.
more peaceful than men.
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But I do believe that in today's world,
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women experience power differently.
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Having had to navigate
being in the less powerful position
being in the less powerful position
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in multiple aspects of their lives,
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women are often more adept
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at how to surreptitiously
pressure for change
pressure for change
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against large, powerful actors.
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The term "manipulative," often charged
against women in a derogatory way,
against women in a derogatory way,
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reflects a reality in which women
have often had to find ways
have often had to find ways
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other than direct confrontation
to achieve their goals.
to achieve their goals.
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And finding alternatives
to direct confrontation
to direct confrontation
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is at the core of nonviolent resistance.
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Now to the second
potential misunderstanding.
potential misunderstanding.
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I've been talking a lot about
my experiences in the Middle East,
my experiences in the Middle East,
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and some of you might be thinking now
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that the solution then is for us
to educate Muslim and Arab societies
to educate Muslim and Arab societies
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to be more inclusive of their women.
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If we were to do that,
they would be more successful.
they would be more successful.
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They do not need this kind of help.
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Women have been part
of the most influential movements
of the most influential movements
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coming out of the Middle East,
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but they tend to be invisible
to the international community.
to the international community.
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Our cameras are largely focused on the men
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who often end up involved
in the more confrontational scenes
in the more confrontational scenes
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that we find so irresistible
in our news cycle.
in our news cycle.
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And we end up with a narrative
that not only erases women
that not only erases women
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from the struggles in the region
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but often misrepresents
the struggles themselves.
the struggles themselves.
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In the late 1980s,
an uprising started in Gaza,
an uprising started in Gaza,
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and quickly spread to the West Bank
and East Jerusalem.
and East Jerusalem.
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It came to be known as the First Intifada,
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and people who have
any visual memory of it
any visual memory of it
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generally conjure up something like this:
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Palestinian men
throwing rocks at Israeli tanks.
throwing rocks at Israeli tanks.
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The news coverage at the time
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made it seem like stones,
Molotov cocktails and burning tires
Molotov cocktails and burning tires
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were the only activities
taking place in the Intifada.
taking place in the Intifada.
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This period, though, was also marked
by widespread nonviolent organizing
by widespread nonviolent organizing
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in the forms of strikes, sit-ins
and the creation of parallel institutions.
and the creation of parallel institutions.
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During the First Intifada,
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whole sectors of the Palestinian
civilian population mobilized,
civilian population mobilized,
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cutting across generations,
factions and class lines.
factions and class lines.
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They did this through networks
of popular committees,
of popular committees,
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and their use of direct action
and communal self-help projects
and communal self-help projects
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challenged Israel's very ability
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to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza.
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According to the Israeli Army itself,
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97 percent of activities
during the First Intifada were unarmed.
during the First Intifada were unarmed.
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And here's another thing that is not
part of our narrative about that time.
part of our narrative about that time.
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For 18 months in the Intifada,
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women were the ones
calling the shots behind the scenes:
calling the shots behind the scenes:
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Palestinian women from all walks of life
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in charge of mobilizing
hundreds of thousands of people
hundreds of thousands of people
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in a concerted effort to withdraw
consent from the occupation.
consent from the occupation.
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Naela Ayyash, who strived to build
a self-sufficient Palestinian economy
a self-sufficient Palestinian economy
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by encouraging women in Gaza
to grow vegetables in their backyards,
to grow vegetables in their backyards,
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an activity deemed illegal
by the Israeli authorities at that time;
by the Israeli authorities at that time;
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Rabeha Diab, who took over
decision-making authority
decision-making authority
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for the entire uprising
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when the men who had been running it
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were deported;
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Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets
containing the uprising's directives
containing the uprising's directives
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in order to spread them
across the territories
across the territories
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without getting caught;
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and Zahira Kamal,
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who ensured the longevity of the uprising
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by leading an organization
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that went from 25 women
to 3,000 in a single year.
to 3,000 in a single year.
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Despite their extraordinary achievements,
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none of these women have made it
into our narrative of the First Intifada.
into our narrative of the First Intifada.
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We do this in other parts
of the globe, too.
of the globe, too.
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In our history books, for instance,
and in our collective consciousness,
and in our collective consciousness,
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men are the public faces and spokespersons
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for the 1960s struggle
for racial justice in the United States.
for racial justice in the United States.
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But women were also
a critical driving force,
a critical driving force,
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mobilizing, organizing,
taking to the streets.
taking to the streets.
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How many of us think of Septima Clark
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when we think of the United States
Civil Rights era?
Civil Rights era?
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Remarkably few.
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But she played a crucial role
in every phase of the struggle,
in every phase of the struggle,
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particularly by emphasizing
literacy and education.
literacy and education.
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She's been omitted, ignored,
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like so many other women
who played critical roles
who played critical roles
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in the United States
Civil Rights Movement.
Civil Rights Movement.
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This is not about getting credit.
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It's more profound than that.
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The stories we tell matter deeply
to how we see ourselves,
to how we see ourselves,
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and to how we believe movements are run
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and how movements are won.
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The stories we tell about a movement
like the First Intifada
like the First Intifada
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or the United States Civil Rights era
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matter deeply
and have a critical influence
and have a critical influence
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in the choices Palestinians,
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Americans
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and people around the world will make
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next time they encounter an injustice
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and develop the courage to confront it.
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If we do not lift up the women who played
critical roles in these struggles,
critical roles in these struggles,
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we fail to offer up role models
to future generations.
to future generations.
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Without role models, it becomes harder
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for women to take up their rightful space
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in public life.
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And as we saw earlier,
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one of the most critical variables
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in determining whether
a movement will be successful or not
a movement will be successful or not
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is a movement's ideology
regarding the role of women
regarding the role of women
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in public life.
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This is a question of whether we're moving
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towards more democratic
and peaceful societies.
and peaceful societies.
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In a world where so much
change is happening,
change is happening,
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and where change is bound to continue
at an increasingly faster pace,
at an increasingly faster pace,
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it is not a question
of whether we will face conflict,
of whether we will face conflict,
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but rather a question
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of which stories will shape
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how we choose to wage conflict.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Julia Bacha - FilmmakerJulia Bacha is the creative director at Just Vision, an organization that uses film and multimedia storytelling to foster constructive conversations on some of the most divisive issues of our times.
Why you should listen
Bacha started her filmmaking career writing and editing Control Room (2004), a documentary about the inner workings of the Arab satellite television channel Al Jazeera. She then wrote and co-directed Encounter Point (2006) and directed Budrus (2009), both stories of courageous bridge-building between Palestinians and Israelis in a highly volatile environment. Her most recent film, My Neighborhood (2012), follows a Palestinian teenager struggling to reclaim his home in East Jerusalem from Jewish settlers. She is now directing a film about the Palestinian women who secretly led the First Intifada, for which she was awarded a 2016 Guggenheim Fellowship.
Julia Bacha | Speaker | TED.com