TEDGlobal 2014
Zeynep Tufekci: Online social change: easy to organize, hard to win
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Today, a single email can launch a worldwide movement. But as sociologist Zeynep Tufekci suggests, even though online activism is easy to grow, it often doesn't last. Why? She compares modern movements -- Gezi, Ukraine, Hong Kong -- to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and uncovers a surprising benefit of organizing protest movements the way it happened before Twitter.
Zeynep Tufekci - Techno-sociologist
Techno-sociologist Zeynep Tufekci asks big questions about our societies and our lives, as both algorithms and digital connectivity spread. Full bio
Techno-sociologist Zeynep Tufekci asks big questions about our societies and our lives, as both algorithms and digital connectivity spread. Full bio
Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.
00:12
So recently, we heard a lot about
how social media helps empower protest,
how social media helps empower protest,
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and that's true,
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but after more than a decade
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of studying and participating
in multiple social movements,
in multiple social movements,
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I've come to realize
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that the way technology
empowers social movements
empowers social movements
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can also paradoxically help weaken them.
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This is not inevitable,
but overcoming it requires diving deep
but overcoming it requires diving deep
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into what makes success possible
over the long term.
over the long term.
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And the lessons apply in multiple domains.
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Now, take Turkey's
Gezi Park protests, July 2013,
Gezi Park protests, July 2013,
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which I went back to study in the field.
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Twitter was key to its organizing.
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It was everywhere in the park --
well, along with a lot of tear gas.
well, along with a lot of tear gas.
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It wasn't all high tech.
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But the people in Turkey had already
gotten used to the power of Twitter
gotten used to the power of Twitter
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because of an unfortunate incident
about a year before
about a year before
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when military jets had bombed and killed
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34 Kurdish smugglers
near the border region,
near the border region,
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and Turkish media completely
censored this news.
censored this news.
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Editors sat in their newsrooms
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and waited for the government
to tell them what to do.
to tell them what to do.
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One frustrated journalist
could not take this anymore.
could not take this anymore.
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He purchased his own plane ticket,
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and went to the village
where this had occurred.
where this had occurred.
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And he was confronted by this scene:
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a line of coffins coming down a hill,
relatives wailing.
relatives wailing.
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He later he told me
how overwhelmed he felt,
how overwhelmed he felt,
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and didn't know what to do,
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so he took out his phone,
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like any one of us might,
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and snapped that picture
and tweeted it out.
and tweeted it out.
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And voila, that picture went viral
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and broke the censorship
and forced mass media to cover it.
and forced mass media to cover it.
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So when, a year later,
Turkey's Gezi protests happened,
Turkey's Gezi protests happened,
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it started as a protest
about a park being razed,
about a park being razed,
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but became an anti-authoritarian protest.
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It wasn't surprising
that media also censored it,
that media also censored it,
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but it got a little ridiculous at times.
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When things were so intense,
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when CNN International
was broadcasting live from Istanbul,
was broadcasting live from Istanbul,
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CNN Turkey instead was broadcasting
a documentary on penguins.
a documentary on penguins.
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Now, I love penguin documentaries,
but that wasn't the news of the day.
but that wasn't the news of the day.
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An angry viewer put his two screens
together and snapped that picture,
together and snapped that picture,
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and that one too went viral,
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and since then, people call Turkish media
the penguin media. (Laughter)
the penguin media. (Laughter)
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But this time, people knew what to do.
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They just took out their phones
and looked for actual news.
and looked for actual news.
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Better, they knew to go to the park
and take pictures and participate
and take pictures and participate
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and share it more on social media.
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Digital connectivity was used
for everything from food to donations.
for everything from food to donations.
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Everything was organized partially
with the help of these new technologies.
with the help of these new technologies.
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And using Internet to mobilize
and publicize protests
and publicize protests
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actually goes back a long way.
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Remember the Zapatistas,
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the peasant uprising
in the southern Chiapas region of Mexico
in the southern Chiapas region of Mexico
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led by the masked, pipe-smoking,
charismatic Subcomandante Marcos?
charismatic Subcomandante Marcos?
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That was probably the first movement
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that got global attention
thanks to the Internet.
thanks to the Internet.
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Or consider Seattle '99,
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when a multinational grassroots effort
brought global attention
brought global attention
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to what was then an obscure organization,
the World Trade Organization,
the World Trade Organization,
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by also utilizing these digital
technologies to help them organize.
technologies to help them organize.
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And more recently, movement after movement
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has shaken country after country:
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the Arab uprisings from Bahrain
to Tunisia to Egypt and more;
to Tunisia to Egypt and more;
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indignados in Spain, Italy, Greece;
the Gezi Park protests;
the Gezi Park protests;
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Taiwan; Euromaidan in Ukraine; Hong Kong.
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And think of more recent initiatives,
like the #BringBackOurGirls hashtags.
like the #BringBackOurGirls hashtags.
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Nowadays, a network of tweets
can unleash a global awareness campaign.
can unleash a global awareness campaign.
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A Facebook page can become the hub
of a massive mobilization.
of a massive mobilization.
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Amazing.
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But think of the moments I just mentioned.
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The achievements they were
able to have, their outcomes,
able to have, their outcomes,
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are not really proportional
to the size and energy they inspired.
to the size and energy they inspired.
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The hopes they rightfully raised
are not really matched
are not really matched
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by what they were able to have
as a result in the end.
as a result in the end.
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And this raises a question:
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As digital technology makes things
easier for movements,
easier for movements,
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why haven't successful outcomes
become more likely as well?
become more likely as well?
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In embracing digital platforms
for activism and politics,
for activism and politics,
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are we overlooking some of the benefits
of doing things the hard way?
of doing things the hard way?
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Now, I believe so.
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I believe that the rule of thumb is:
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Easier to mobilize does not always mean
easier to achieve gains.
easier to achieve gains.
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Now, to be clear,
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technology does empower in multiple ways.
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It's very powerful.
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In Turkey, I watched
four young college students
four young college students
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organize a countrywide citizen journalism
network called 140Journos
network called 140Journos
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that became the central hub
for uncensored news in the country.
for uncensored news in the country.
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In Egypt, I saw another four young people
use digital connectivity
use digital connectivity
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to organize the supplies and logistics
for 10 field hospitals,
for 10 field hospitals,
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very large operations,
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during massive clashes
near Tahrir Square in 2011.
near Tahrir Square in 2011.
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And I asked the founder
of this effort, called Tahrir Supplies,
of this effort, called Tahrir Supplies,
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how long it took him to go from when
he had the idea to when he got started.
he had the idea to when he got started.
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"Five minutes," he said. Five minutes.
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And he had no training
or background in logistics.
or background in logistics.
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Or think of the Occupy movement
which rocked the world in 2011.
which rocked the world in 2011.
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It started with a single email
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from a magazine, Adbusters,
to 90,000 subscribers in its list.
to 90,000 subscribers in its list.
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About two months after that first email,
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there were in the United States
600 ongoing occupations and protests.
600 ongoing occupations and protests.
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Less than one month after the first
physical occupation in Zuccotti Park,
physical occupation in Zuccotti Park,
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a global protest was held
in about 82 countries, 950 cities.
in about 82 countries, 950 cities.
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It was one of the largest
global protests ever organized.
global protests ever organized.
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Now, compare that to what the Civil Rights
Movement had to do in 1955 Alabama
Movement had to do in 1955 Alabama
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to protest the racially segregated
bus system, which they wanted to boycott.
bus system, which they wanted to boycott.
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They'd been preparing for many years
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and decided it was time
to swing into action
to swing into action
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after Rosa Parks was arrested.
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But how do you get the word out --
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tomorrow we're going to
start the boycott --
start the boycott --
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when you don't have Facebook,
texting, Twitter, none of that?
texting, Twitter, none of that?
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So they had to mimeograph 52,000 leaflets
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by sneaking into a university
duplicating room
duplicating room
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and working all night, secretly.
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They then used the 68
African-American organizations
African-American organizations
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that criss-crossed the city
to distribute those leaflets by hand.
to distribute those leaflets by hand.
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And the logistical tasks were daunting,
because these were poor people.
because these were poor people.
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They had to get to work, boycott or no,
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so a massive carpool was organized,
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again by meeting.
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No texting, no Twitter, no Facebook.
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They had to meet almost all the time
to keep this carpool going.
to keep this carpool going.
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Today, it would be so much easier.
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We could create a database,
available rides and what rides you need,
available rides and what rides you need,
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have the database coordinate,
and use texting.
and use texting.
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We wouldn't have to meet all that much.
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But again, consider this:
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the Civil Rights Movement
in the United States
in the United States
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navigated a minefield
of political dangers,
of political dangers,
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faced repression and overcame,
won major policy concessions,
won major policy concessions,
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navigated and innovated through risks.
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In contrast, three years
after Occupy sparked
after Occupy sparked
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that global conversation about inequality,
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the policies that fueled it
are still in place.
are still in place.
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Europe was also rocked
by anti-austerity protests,
by anti-austerity protests,
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but the continent
didn't shift its direction.
didn't shift its direction.
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In embracing these technologies,
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are we overlooking some of the benefits
of slow and sustained?
of slow and sustained?
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To understand this,
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I went back to Turkey
about a year after the Gezi protests
about a year after the Gezi protests
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and I interviewed a range of people,
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from activists to politicians,
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from both the ruling party
and the opposition party and movements.
and the opposition party and movements.
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I found that the Gezi protesters
were despairing.
were despairing.
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They were frustrated,
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and they had achieved much less
than what they had hoped for.
than what they had hoped for.
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This echoed what I'd been hearing
around the world
around the world
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from many other protesters
that I'm in touch with.
that I'm in touch with.
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And I've come to realize
that part of the problem
that part of the problem
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is that today's protests have become
a bit like climbing Mt. Everest
a bit like climbing Mt. Everest
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with the help of 60 Sherpas,
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and the Internet is our Sherpa.
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What we're doing is taking the fast routes
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and not replacing the benefits
of the slower work.
of the slower work.
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Because, you see,
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the kind of work that went into organizing
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all those daunting,
tedious logistical tasks
tedious logistical tasks
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did not just take care of those tasks,
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they also created the kind of organization
that could think together collectively
that could think together collectively
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and make hard decisions together,
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create consensus and innovate,
and maybe even more crucially,
and maybe even more crucially,
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keep going together through differences.
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So when you see this
March on Washington in 1963,
March on Washington in 1963,
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when you look at that picture,
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where this is the march where
Martin Luther King gave his famous
Martin Luther King gave his famous
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"I have a dream" speech, 1963,
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you don't just see a march
and you don't just hear a powerful speech,
and you don't just hear a powerful speech,
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you also see the painstaking,
long-term work that can put on that march.
long-term work that can put on that march.
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And if you're in power,
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you realize you have to take
the capacity signaled by that march,
the capacity signaled by that march,
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not just the march, but the capacity
signaled by that march, seriously.
signaled by that march, seriously.
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In contrast, when you look
at Occupy's global marches
at Occupy's global marches
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that were organized in two weeks,
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you see a lot of discontent,
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but you don't necessarily see teeth that
can bite over the long term.
can bite over the long term.
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And crucially, the Civil Rights Movement
innovated tactically
innovated tactically
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from boycotts to lunch counter sit-ins
to pickets to marches to freedom rides.
to pickets to marches to freedom rides.
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Today's movements scale up very quickly
without the organizational base
without the organizational base
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that can see them through the challenges.
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They feel a little like startups
that got very big
that got very big
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without knowing what to do next,
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and they rarely manage to shift tactically
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because they don't have
the depth of capacity
the depth of capacity
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to weather such transitions.
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Now, I want to be clear:
The magic is not in the mimeograph.
The magic is not in the mimeograph.
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It's in that capacity to work together,
think together collectively,
think together collectively,
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which can only be built
over time with a lot of work.
over time with a lot of work.
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To understand all this,
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I interviewed a top official
from the ruling party in Turkey,
from the ruling party in Turkey,
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and I ask him, "How do you do it?"
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They too use digital technology
extensively, so that's not it.
extensively, so that's not it.
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So what's the secret?
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Well, he told me.
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He said the key is
he never took sugar with his tea.
he never took sugar with his tea.
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I said, what has that
got to do with anything?
got to do with anything?
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Well, he said, his party starts
getting ready for the next election
getting ready for the next election
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the day after the last one,
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and he spends all day every day
meeting with voters in their homes,
meeting with voters in their homes,
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in their wedding parties,
circumcision ceremonies,
circumcision ceremonies,
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and then he meets with his colleagues
to compare notes.
to compare notes.
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With that many meetings every day,
with tea offered at every one of them,
with tea offered at every one of them,
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which he could not refuse,
because that would be rude,
because that would be rude,
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he could not take even one cube of sugar
per cup of tea,
per cup of tea,
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because that would be many kilos of sugar,
he can't even calculate how many kilos,
he can't even calculate how many kilos,
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and at that point I realized
why he was speaking so fast.
why he was speaking so fast.
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We had met in the afternoon,
and he was already way over-caffeinated.
and he was already way over-caffeinated.
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But his party won two major elections
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within a year of the Gezi protests
with comfortable margins.
with comfortable margins.
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To be sure, governments have
different resources to bring to the table.
different resources to bring to the table.
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It's not the same game,
but the differences are instructive.
but the differences are instructive.
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And like all such stories, this is not
a story just of technology.
a story just of technology.
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It's what technology allows us to do
converging with what we want to do.
converging with what we want to do.
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Today's social movements
want to operate informally.
want to operate informally.
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They do not want institutional leadership.
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They want to stay out of politics because
they fear corruption and cooptation.
they fear corruption and cooptation.
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They have a point.
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Modern representative democracies
are being strangled in many countries
are being strangled in many countries
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by powerful interests.
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But operating this way
makes it hard for them
makes it hard for them
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to sustain over the long term
and exert leverage over the system,
and exert leverage over the system,
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which leads to frustrated
protesters dropping out,
protesters dropping out,
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and even more corrupt politics.
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And politics and democracy
without an effective challenge hobbles,
without an effective challenge hobbles,
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because the causes that have inspired
the modern recent movements are crucial.
the modern recent movements are crucial.
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Climate change is barreling towards us.
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Inequality is stifling human growth
and potential and economies.
and potential and economies.
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Authoritarianism is choking
many countries.
many countries.
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We need movements to be more effective.
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Now, some people have argued
that the problem is
that the problem is
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today's movements are not formed of people
who take as many risks as before,
who take as many risks as before,
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and that is not true.
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From Gezi to Tahrir to elsewhere,
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I've seen people put their lives
and livelihoods on the line.
and livelihoods on the line.
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It's also not true,
as Malcolm Gladwell claimed,
as Malcolm Gladwell claimed,
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that today's protesters
form weaker virtual ties.
form weaker virtual ties.
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No, they come to these protests,
just like before,
just like before,
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with their friends, existing networks,
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and sometimes they do
make new friends for life.
make new friends for life.
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I still see the friends that I made
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in those Zapatista-convened
global protests more than a decade ago,
global protests more than a decade ago,
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and the bonds between strangers
are not worthless.
are not worthless.
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When I got tear-gassed in Gezi,
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people I didn't know helped me
and one another instead of running away.
and one another instead of running away.
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In Tahrir, I saw people, protesters,
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working really hard to keep
each other safe and protected.
each other safe and protected.
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And digital awareness-raising is great,
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because changing minds
is the bedrock of changing politics.
is the bedrock of changing politics.
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But movements today have to move beyond
participation at great scale very fast
participation at great scale very fast
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and figure out how
to think together collectively,
to think together collectively,
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develop strong policy proposals,
create consensus,
create consensus,
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figure out the political steps
and relate them to leverage,
and relate them to leverage,
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because all these good intentions
and bravery and sacrifice by itself
and bravery and sacrifice by itself
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are not going to be enough.
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And there are many efforts.
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In New Zealand, a group of young people
are developing a platform called Loomio
are developing a platform called Loomio
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for participatory
decision making at scale.
decision making at scale.
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In Turkey, 140Journos
are holding hack-a-thons
are holding hack-a-thons
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so that they support communities
as well as citizen journalism.
as well as citizen journalism.
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15:32
In Argentina, an open-source platform
called DemocracyOS
called DemocracyOS
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is bringing participation
to parliaments and political parties.
to parliaments and political parties.
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These are all great, and we need more,
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but the answer won't just be
better online decision-making,
better online decision-making,
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because to update democracy, we are going
to need to innovate at every level,
to need to innovate at every level,
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from the organizational
to the political to the social.
to the political to the social.
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15:56
Because to succeed over the long term,
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sometimes you do need tea without sugar
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along with your Twitter.
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Zeynep Tufekci - Techno-sociologistTechno-sociologist Zeynep Tufekci asks big questions about our societies and our lives, as both algorithms and digital connectivity spread.
Why you should listen
We've entered an era of digital connectivity and machine intelligence. Complex algorithms are increasingly used to make consequential decisions about us. Many of these decisions are subjective and have no right answer: who should be hired, fired or promoted; what news should be shown to whom; which of your friends do you see updates from; which convict should be paroled. With increasing use of machine learning in these systems, we often don't even understand how exactly they are making these decisions. Zeynep Tufekci studies what this historic transition means for culture, markets, politics and personal life.
Tufekci is a contributing opinion writer at the New York Times, an associate professor at the School of Information and Library Science at University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and a faculty associate at Harvard's Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society.
Her book, Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest, was published in 2017 by Yale University Press. Her next book, from Penguin Random House, will be about algorithms that watch, judge and nudge us.
Zeynep Tufekci | Speaker | TED.com