ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Michael Sandel - Political philosopher
Michael Sandel teaches political philosophy at Harvard, exploring some of the most hotly contested moral and political issues of our time.

Why you should listen

Michael Sandel is one of the best known American public intellectuals. The London Observer calls him "one of the most popular teachers in the world" and indeed his lectures at Harvard draw thousands of students eager to discuss big questions of modern political life: bioethics, torture, rights versus responsibilities, the value we put on things. Sandel's class is a primer on thinking through the hard choices we face as citizens. The course has been turned into a public TV series with companion website and book: Justice: What’s the Right Thing to Do? In his newest book, What Money Can't Buy, he challenges the idea that markets are morally neutral.
 
"To understand the importance of his purpose," a Guardian reviewer wrote of the book, "you first have to grasp the full extent of the triumph achieved by market thinking in economics, and the extent to which that thinking has spread to other domains. This school sees economics as a discipline that has nothing to do with morality, and is instead the study of incentives, considered in an ethical vacuum. Sandel's book is, in its calm way, an all-out assault on that idea, and on the influential doctrine that the economic approach to "utility maximisation" explains all human behaviour."

Read more about his thinking on markets and morality: "Lunch with Michael Sandel" on FT.com >>  

More profile about the speaker
Michael Sandel | Speaker | TED.com
TED2010

Michael Sandel: The lost art of democratic debate

Filmed:
1,412,912 views

Democracy thrives on civil debate, Michael Sandel says -- but we're shamefully out of practice. He leads a fun refresher, with TEDsters sparring over a recent Supreme Court case (PGA Tour Inc. v. Martin) whose outcome reveals the critical ingredient in justice.
- Political philosopher
Michael Sandel teaches political philosophy at Harvard, exploring some of the most hotly contested moral and political issues of our time. Full bio

Double-click the English transcript below to play the video.

00:17
One thing the world needs,
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one thing this country desperately needs
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is a better way
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of conducting our political debates.
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We need to rediscover
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the lost art of democratic argument.
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(Applause)
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If you think about the arguments we have,
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most of the time it's shouting matches
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on cable television,
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ideological food fights on the floor of Congress.
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I have a suggestion.
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Look at all the arguments we have these days
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over health care,
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over bonuses and bailouts on Wall Street,
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over the gap between rich and poor,
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over affirmative action and same-sex marriage.
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Lying just beneath the surface
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of those arguments,
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with passions raging on all sides,
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are big questions
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of moral philosophy,
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big questions of justice.
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01:19
But we too rarely
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articulate and defend
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and argue about
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those big moral questions in our politics.
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01:29
So what I would like to do today
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is have something of a discussion.
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01:34
First, let me take
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a famous philosopher
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who wrote about those questions
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of justice and morality,
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give you a very short lecture
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on Aristotle of ancient Athens,
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Aristotle's theory of justice,
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and then have a discussion here
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to see whether Aristotle's ideas
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actually inform
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the way we think and argue
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about questions today.
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02:01
So, are you ready for the lecture?
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According to Aristotle,
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justice means giving people what they deserve.
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02:13
That's it; that's the lecture.
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(Laughter)
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Now, you may say, well, that's obvious enough.
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The real questions begin
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when it comes to arguing about
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who deserves what and why.
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02:28
Take the example of flutes.
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Suppose we're distributing flutes.
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Who should get the best ones?
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Let's see what people --
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What would you say?
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Who should get the best flute?
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You can just call it out.
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02:43
(Audience: Random.)
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Michael Sandel: At random. You would do it by lottery.
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Or by the first person to rush into the hall to get them.
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Who else?
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(Audience: The best flute players.)
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MS: The best flute players. (Audience: The worst flute players.)
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MS: The worst flute players.
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How many say the best flute players?
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Why?
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Actually, that was Aristotle's answer too.
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(Laughter)
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But here's a harder question.
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Why do you think,
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those of you who voted this way,
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that the best flutes should go to the best flute players?
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03:21
Peter: The greatest benefit to all.
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MS: The greatest benefit to all.
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We'll hear better music
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if the best flutes should go to the best flute players.
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That's Peter? (Audience: Peter.)
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MS: All right.
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Well, it's a good reason.
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We'll all be better off if good music is played
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rather than terrible music.
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But Peter,
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Aristotle doesn't agree with you that that's the reason.
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That's all right.
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Aristotle had a different reason
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for saying the best flutes should go to the best flute players.
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He said,
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that's what flutes are for --
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to be played well.
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He says that to reason about
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just distribution of a thing,
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we have to reason about,
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and sometimes argue about,
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the purpose of the thing,
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or the social activity --
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in this case, musical performance.
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And the point, the essential nature,
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of musical performance
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is to produce excellent music.
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It'll be a happy byproduct
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that we'll all benefit.
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But when we think about justice,
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Aristotle says,
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what we really need to think about
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is the essential nature of the activity in question
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and the qualities that are worth
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honoring and admiring and recognizing.
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One of the reasons
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that the best flute players should get the best flutes
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is that musical performance
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is not only to make the rest of us happy,
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but to honor
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and recognize
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the excellence
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of the best musicians.
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Now, flutes may seem ... the distribution of flutes
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may seem a trivial case.
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Let's take a contemporary example
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of the dispute about justice.
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It had to do with golf.
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Casey Martin -- a few years ago,
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Casey Martin --
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did any of you hear about him?
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He was a very good golfer,
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but he had a disability.
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He had a bad leg, a circulatory problem,
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that made it very painful
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for him to walk the course.
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In fact, it carried risk of injury.
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He asked the PGA,
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the Professional Golfers' Association,
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for permission to use a golf cart
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in the PGA tournaments.
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They said, "No.
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Now that would give you an unfair advantage."
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He sued,
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and his case went all the way
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to the Supreme Court, believe it or not,
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the case over the golf cart,
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because the law says
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that the disabled
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must be accommodated,
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provided the accommodation does not
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change the essential nature
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of the activity.
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He says, "I'm a great golfer.
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I want to compete.
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But I need a golf cart
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to get from one hole to the next."
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06:23
Suppose you were
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on the Supreme Court.
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Suppose you were deciding
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the justice of this case.
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How many here would say
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that Casey Martin does have a right to use a golf cart?
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And how many say, no, he doesn't?
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All right, let's take a poll, show of hands.
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How many would rule in favor of Casey Martin?
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And how many would not? How many would say he doesn't?
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All right, we have a good division of opinion here.
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Someone who would not
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grant Casey Martin the right to a golf cart,
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what would be your reason?
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Raise your hand, and we'll try to get you a microphone.
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What would be your reason?
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(Audience: It'd be an unfair advantage.)
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MS: It would be an unfair advantage
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if he gets to ride in a golf cart.
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All right, those of you,
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I imagine most of you who would not give him the golf cart
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worry about an unfair advantage.
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What about those of you who say
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he should be given a golf cart?
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How would you answer the objection?
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Yes, all right.
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Audience: The cart's not part of the game.
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MS: What's your name? (Audience: Charlie.)
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MS: Charlie says --
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We'll get Charlie a microphone in case someone wants to reply.
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Tell us, Charlie,
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why would you say he should be able to use a golf cart?
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Charlie: The cart's not part of the game.
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MS: But what about walking from hole to hole?
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Charlie: It doesn't matter; it's not part of the game.
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MS: Walking the course is not part of the game of golf?
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Charlie: Not in my book, it isn't.
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MS: All right. Stay there, Charlie.
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(Laughter)
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Who has an answer for Charlie?
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All right, who has an answer for Charlie?
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What would you say?
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Audience: The endurance element is a very important part of the game,
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walking all those holes.
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MS: Walking all those holes?
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That's part of the game of golf? (Audience: Absolutely.)
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MS: What's your name? (Audience: Warren.)
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MS: Warren.
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Charlie, what do you say to Warren?
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Charley: I'll stick to my original thesis.
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(Laughter)
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MS: Warren, are you a golfer?
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Warren: I am not a golfer.
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Charley: And I am. (MS: Okay.)
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(Laughter)
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(Applause)
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You know,
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it's interesting.
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In the case, in the lower court,
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they brought in golfing greats
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to testify on this very issue.
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Is walking the course essential to the game?
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And they brought in Jack Nicklaus and Arnold Palmer.
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And what do you suppose they all said?
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Yes. They agreed with Warren.
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They said, yes, walking the course
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is strenuous physical exercise.
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The fatigue factor is an important part of golf.
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And so it would change
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the fundamental nature of the game
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to give him the golf cart.
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Now, notice,
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something interesting --
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Well, I should tell you about the Supreme Court first.
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The Supreme Court
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decided.
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What do you suppose they said?
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They said yes,
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that Casey Martin must be provided a golf cart.
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Seven to two, they ruled.
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What was interesting about their ruling
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and about the discussion we've just had
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is that the discussion about
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the right, the justice, of the matter
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depended on
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figuring out what is
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the essential nature of golf.
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And the Supreme Court justices
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wrestled with that question.
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And Justice Stevens, writing for the majority,
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said he had read all about the history of golf,
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and the essential point of the game
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is to get very small ball from one place
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into a hole
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in as few strokes as possible,
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and that walking was not essential, but incidental.
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Now, there were two dissenters,
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one of whom was Justice Scalia.
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He wouldn't have granted the cart,
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and he had a very interesting dissent.
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It's interesting because
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he rejected the Aristotelian premise
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underlying the majority's opinion.
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He said it's not possible
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to determine the essential nature
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of a game like golf.
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Here's how he put it.
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"To say that something is essential
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is ordinarily to say that it is necessary
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to the achievement of a certain object.
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But since it is the very nature of a game
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to have no object except amusement,
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(Laughter)
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that is, what distinguishes games
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from productive activity,
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(Laughter)
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it is quite impossible to say
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that any of a game's arbitrary rules
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is essential."
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So there you have Justice Scalia
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taking on the Aristotelian premise
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of the majority's opinion.
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Justice Scalia's opinion
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is questionable
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for two reasons.
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First, no real sports fan would talk that way.
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(Laughter)
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If we had thought that the rules
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of the sports we care about
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are merely arbitrary,
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rather than designed to call forth
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the virtues and the excellences
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that we think are worthy of admiring,
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we wouldn't care about the outcome of the game.
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It's also objectionable
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on a second ground.
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On the face of it,
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it seemed to be -- this debate about the golf cart --
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an argument about fairness,
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what's an unfair advantage.
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But if fairness were the only thing at stake,
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there would have been an easy and obvious solution.
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What would it be? (Audience: Let everyone use the cart.)
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Let everyone ride in a golf cart
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if they want to.
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Then the fairness objection goes away.
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But letting everyone ride in a cart
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would have been, I suspect,
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more anathema
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to the golfing greats
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and to the PGA,
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even than making an exception for Casey Martin.
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Why?
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Because what was at stake
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in the dispute over the golf cart
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was not only the essential nature of golf,
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but, relatedly, the question:
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What abilities
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are worthy
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of honor and recognition
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as athletic talents?
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Let me put the point
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as delicately as possible:
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Golfers are a little sensitive
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about the athletic status of their game.
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(Laughter)
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After all, there's no running or jumping,
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and the ball stands still.
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(Laughter)
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So if golfing is the kind of game
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that can be played while riding around in a golf cart,
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it would be hard to confer
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on the golfing greats
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the status that we confer,
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the honor and recognition
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that goes to truly great athletes.
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That illustrates
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that with golf,
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as with flutes,
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it's hard to decide the question
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of what justice requires,
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without grappling with the question,
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"What is the essential nature
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of the activity in question,
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and what qualities,
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what excellences
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connected with that activity,
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are worthy of honor and recognition?"
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Let's take a final example
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that's prominent in contemporary political debate:
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same-sex marriage.
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There are those who favor state recognition
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only of traditional marriage
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between one man and one woman,
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and there are those who favor state recognition
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of same-sex marriage.
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How many here
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favor the first policy:
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the state should recognize traditional marriage only?
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And how many favor the second, same-sex marriage?
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Now, put it this way:
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What ways of thinking
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about justice and morality
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underlie the arguments we have
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over marriage?
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The opponents of same-sex marriage say
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that the purpose of marriage,
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fundamentally, is procreation,
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and that's what's worthy of honoring
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and recognizing and encouraging.
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And the defenders of same-sex marriage say no,
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procreation is not the only purpose of marriage;
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what about a lifelong, mutual, loving commitment?
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That's really what marriage is about.
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So with flutes, with golf carts,
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and even with a fiercely contested question
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like same-sex marriage,
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Aristotle has a point.
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Very hard to argue about justice
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without first arguing
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about the purpose of social institutions
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and about what qualities are worthy
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of honor and recognition.
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So let's step back from these cases
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and see how they shed light
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on the way we might improve, elevate,
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the terms of political discourse
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in the United States,
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and for that matter, around the world.
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There is a tendency to think
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that if we engage too directly
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with moral questions in politics,
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that's a recipe for disagreement,
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and for that matter, a recipe for
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intolerance and coercion.
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So better to shy away from,
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to ignore,
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the moral and the religious convictions
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that people bring to civic life.
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It seems to me that our discussion
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reflects the opposite,
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that a better way
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to mutual respect
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is to engage directly
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with the moral convictions
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citizens bring to public life,
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rather than to require
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that people leave their deepest moral convictions
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outside politics
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before they enter.
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That, it seems to me, is a way
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to begin to restore
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the art of democratic argument.
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Thank you very much.
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(Applause)
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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Thank you.
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(Applause)
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Thank you very much.
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Thanks. Thank you.
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Chris.
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Thanks, Chris.
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Chris Anderson: From flutes to golf courses
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to same-sex marriage --
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that was a genius link.
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Now look, you're a pioneer of open education.
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Your lecture series was one of the first to do it big.
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What's your vision for the next phase of this?
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MS: Well, I think that it is possible.
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In the classroom, we have arguments
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on some of the most fiercely held
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moral convictions that students have
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about big public questions.
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And I think we can do that in public life more generally.
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And so my real dream would be
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to take the public television series
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that we've created of the course --
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it's available now, online,
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free for everyone anywhere in the world --
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and to see whether we can partner with institutions,
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at universities in China, in India,
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in Africa, around the world,
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to try to promote
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civic education
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and also a richer kind
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of democratic debate.
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CA: So you picture, at some point,
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live, in real time,
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you could have this kind of conversation, inviting questions,
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but with people from China and India joining in?
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MS: Right. We did a little bit of it here
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with 1,500 people in Long Beach,
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and we do it in a classroom at Harvard
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with about 1,000 students.
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Wouldn't it be interesting
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to take this way
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of thinking and arguing,
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engaging seriously with big moral questions,
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exploring cultural differences
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and connect through a live video hookup,
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students in Beijing and Mumbai
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and in Cambridge, Massachusetts
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and create a global classroom.
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That's what I would love to do.
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(Applause)
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CA: So, I would imagine
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that there are a lot of people who would love to join you in that endeavor.
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Michael Sandel. Thank you so much. (MS: Thanks so much.)
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ABOUT THE SPEAKER
Michael Sandel - Political philosopher
Michael Sandel teaches political philosophy at Harvard, exploring some of the most hotly contested moral and political issues of our time.

Why you should listen

Michael Sandel is one of the best known American public intellectuals. The London Observer calls him "one of the most popular teachers in the world" and indeed his lectures at Harvard draw thousands of students eager to discuss big questions of modern political life: bioethics, torture, rights versus responsibilities, the value we put on things. Sandel's class is a primer on thinking through the hard choices we face as citizens. The course has been turned into a public TV series with companion website and book: Justice: What’s the Right Thing to Do? In his newest book, What Money Can't Buy, he challenges the idea that markets are morally neutral.
 
"To understand the importance of his purpose," a Guardian reviewer wrote of the book, "you first have to grasp the full extent of the triumph achieved by market thinking in economics, and the extent to which that thinking has spread to other domains. This school sees economics as a discipline that has nothing to do with morality, and is instead the study of incentives, considered in an ethical vacuum. Sandel's book is, in its calm way, an all-out assault on that idea, and on the influential doctrine that the economic approach to "utility maximisation" explains all human behaviour."

Read more about his thinking on markets and morality: "Lunch with Michael Sandel" on FT.com >>  

More profile about the speaker
Michael Sandel | Speaker | TED.com

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